英文摘要

03TheCommunicationoftheCommunistPartyofChinawiththePartiesandPoliticalCirclesinIran:Dynamics,CharacteristicsandTrends

AbstractThe Communication between the Communist Party of China (CPC) and Iranian political parties and political circles is an important part of China-Iran relations. This paper investigates the communication process between the institutions of the CPC represented by the International Department of the CPC Central Committee and the relevant political parties, state institutions and some think tanks in Iran, and tries to understand the important role of the CPC in the external communication. Based on the international situation in different periods, this paper analyzes the main communication activities and characteristics of the CPC with the Islamic Coalition Party, Expediency Discernment Council and the think tanks such as Strategic Council on Foreign Relations of Iran, and finds that the party-to-party communication of China and Iran has made important contributions to promoting the understanding of China and Iran on each other’s governance concepts and development modes, coordinating diplomatic positions, jointly building the “Belt and Road” and developing economic cooperation. The Islamic Coalition Party has become a medium for further communication between the CPC and Iranian political circles. Under the background of closer cooperation between China and Iran, it is predictable that the communications of the CPC with Iran’s Parties, important institutions and think tanks will expand in the future.

KeyWordsThe Communist Party of China (CPC); International Department of the CPC Central Committee; Islamic Coalition Party; Expediency Discernment Council; Strategic Council on Foreign Relations

AuthorHan Jianwei, Associate Professor, Middle East Studies Institute, Shanghai International Studies University, China.

21AStudyontheSecurityGovernancePerformanceoftheLeagueofArabStatesfromthePerspectiveofRealismandConstructivism

AbstractIn the 75 years since the establishment of the League of Arab States, there have been both successful and unsuccessful cases of security governance. Since Egypt was expelled from the League of Arab States in the beginning of the 1980s, especially after the Gulf War in 1991, the League of Arab States has been marginalized obviously. The performance of security governance of the League in resolving conflicts and suppressing war and violence has declined. With the rise of Western academic discourse hegemony, the theories of useless, obsolete and collapse of the League of Arab States have become rampant. Based on a brief review of regionalism theories, this article selects three types of cases to research: political conflicts between Arab countries and regional non-Arab countries, sovereignty disputes between Arab countries and post-war reconstruction of Arab countries under the intervention of global powers, and then analyzes the reasons for the low performance of security governance of the Arab League from the perspective of structuralism and constructivism. Historical facts, case studies and theoretical analysis refute the above-mentioned Western “academic” discourse hegemony. The author also questions the transformation of the Arab League under the guidance of “the responsibility to protect” that human rights are higher than sovereignty in the West. In 2005, the League of Arab States amended its charter, abolished the decision-making mechanism of consensus and unanimous vote, and adopted it by a two-thirds majority, which seemed to improve the efficiency of decision-making. In fact, it abandoned the traditional advantages of political consultation of the League of Arab States. The reform and transformation of the League of Arab States went astray, and there was a long way to go for the construction of its own system and common Arab interests.

KeyWordsLeague of Arab States; Regionalism; Security Governance; Performance; Constructivism; Structuralism

AuthorBI Jiankang, Ph.D.， Professor, University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and Research Fellow, Institute of World History.

39HumanitarianOrganizations,LocalGovernmentsandRefugeeGover￣nance:BasedonFieldResearchonRefugeeGovernanceinLebanon

AbstractMajor countries of origin and countries of asylum of world refugees have shifted from developed countries to the under-developed ones in recent years. Meanwhile, the dominant living environment of refugees has changed from refugee camps to local communities in the countries of asylum. It has posed a significant challenge for the countries of asylum and international refugee governance because of these under-developed countries’ lack of governance capacity and fragile political environment. Based on 54 interviews and literature review from October 2018 to January 2019 with pertinent stakeholders in Lebanon and humanitarian organizations based in Geneva, Switzerland, the paper discloses that humanitarian organizations and local governments are the mainstay and front-lines respectively in Lebanon’s governance of refugees while the central government simply sets the tone of refugee governance. Such a system of refugee assistance builds a bridge between international and local communities, provides basic assistance to refugees and facilitates the political stability of Lebanon. Nevertheless, problems exist, including lack of efficient coordination, rational design of programs and refugees’ participation. Refugee governance model in Lebanon provides enlightenments for refugee governance in urban settings of under-developed countries in general.

KeyWordsHumanitarian Organizations; Local Governments; Lebanon; Syrian Refugee Crisis; Field Research

AuthorWU Haotan, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, Institute of International Strategic Studies, Party School of the Central Committee of CPC.

57TheProblemofMarginalPeopleandItsGovernanceinGCCCountries

AbstractThe problems of foreign workers especially female workers, stateless persons and other marginal groups, ware formed in the unique history and economic development process of the GCC countries. Payment differentiation, social class rigidity and the exclusion of mainstream cultural context have led to social situations that created marginal people and further caused problems of identity, social stability, employment competition, economic “blood loss” and even diplomatic conflicts. The Covid-19 pandemic deeply endangered marginal groups and presented a risk to this region. GCC countries have been taking governance measurements such as cutting numbers of marginal people and replacing them through localization policies and improvement of their working environment, but the governance needs the inclusion of government, society, and the public together to tackle the problems of marginal people scientifically and humanely to achieve real improvement and healthy development in a pluralistic society.

KeyWordsMarginal People; GCC Countries; Social Governance; COVID-19 Pandemic

AuthorsCHEN Jie, Ph.D., Professor, School of International Studies, Sun Yat-sen University; ZHANG Jieying, Ph.D. candidate, School of Foreign Languages, Peking University.

76COVID-19PandemicinEgypt:ImpactandGovernmentalResponse

AbstractThe COVID-19 pandemic that has swept the world has brought challenges to the public health services of countries around the world, and at the same time has severely impacted the social and economic activities of all countries. In response to the socio-economic losses caused by the pandemic, the Egyptian government has actively adopted prevention and control measures to promote economic recovery, so that the Egyptian epidemic was effectively controlled in the early stage and the economy recovered steadily. The weak foundation of Egyptian public health services, obvious inherent economic deficiencies, and the volatile characteristics of the virus have affected the effectiveness of the Egyptian government’s pandemic management. In late December 2020, the pandemic in Egypt became worse again. Only if the Egyptian government persists in reforms and improves public health services; seizes opportunities to ensure the security of the economic supply chain and expands demand-side reforms; launches international cooperation with the vision of building a community with a shared future for mankind, can it achieve breakthroughs and move forward steadily in the face of the epidemic and global crisis.

KeyWordsCOVID-19 Pandemic；Containment Policy；Prevention and Control； Governmental Governance

AuthorsLI Cailing, Ph.D. candidate, Institute of Middle Eastern Studies, Northwest University, Lecturer, Marxism School, Xi’an International Studies University; Wang Tai, Ph. D., Professor, Inner Mongolia University for Na￣tionalities.

94PolicyOptionsforReducingPovertyanditsDilemmainIsrael

AbstractPoverty is an economic and political problem that has an important impact on Israel’s national and social development process. At present, the social group differentiation is obvious in the Israel, and the poverty is becoming more and more prominent. Correspondingly, the poverty problem mainly arises from the ultra-Orthodox Jewish groups, Israeli Arab groups, Holocaust survivors and unemployed groups in Israel. In order to respond to public pressure, the Israeli government mainly provides poor people with social insurance in various aspects such as pension, medical care, education, unemployment, etc.; transfer payments and tax adjustments to protect the basic lives of citizens; encourage free market competition to reduce the cost of living including housing costs; promote employment policies based on vocational training and increasing labor participation rates; give full play to the social assistance function of charities. The current poverty governance has a positive effect on reducing the poverty rate and improving the happiness index of the people, but the long-standing gap between religious and secular groups, Jews and Arabs in Israeli society restricts the further solution of the poverty problem.

KeyWordsPoverty; Ultra-Orthodox Jews; Israeli Arabs

AuthorDENG Yanping, Ph. D. candidate, School of History, Zhengzhou University.

110TracingtheSourceofExtremismfromthePerspectiveof‘Individual-BasedSocialPsychology’

AbstractExisting studies mainly study Islamic religious extremism from the perspectives of textual concepts, legal systems, macro-structures, and organizational behaviors, while less attention has been paid to the mental process of individuals involved. However, this is an important theoretical issue, since any terrorist action ultimately is conducted by individuals themselves. With the help of the microscopic perspective of ‘individual-based social psychology’, this article analyzes the four elements of ‘the alienation of the world view’, ‘the lack of sense of existence’, ‘the agitation of extreme thoughts’, and the ‘reformation of extreme organizations’ that stimulate individuals to complete the process of radicalization. At the same time, this article also elaborates on the basic content, specific functions, logical relationships and significant differences of these four elements, so as to provide rich and necessary details for better responding to Islamic religious extremism.

KeyWordsIslamic Extremism; Individual-Based Social Psychology; Extremist Thoughts; Extremist Organization

AuthorGUI Xiaowei, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Wuhan University.

132TheConstructionofBokoHaram’sIdentitiesandItsTactics

AbstractThe Construction of Boko Haram’s identity has three elements, Norm, Power, Adjustment, which are based on different interests. These three elements compose the transformation process of “Ideal world — Actions — Reality”. In the ideological narrative of anti-Western modern civilization, the establishment of Islamic State of Caliphate and violent jihad, the existence of cultural criticism, ethnic identity and opportunity factors have all shaped Boko Haram’s normative identity. Under the power identity, in the game with the government, it’s name, “appearance”, faction and affiliation are always in change, and it has established an organizational structure that transforms from “Hierarchical Structure” to “Network Structure”. Under the adjusted identity, Boko Haram has successively the tendency of community governance and verbal violence, “war economy”, returning to the community and “Islamicization”. Analyzing the identity composition and strategic choices of Boko Haram will be helpful to understand the operation mode and struggle methods of this organization, and provide certain inspiration for wiping out the organization. Attaching importance to the deconstruction of the identity elements of the Boko Haram is conducive to the targeted use of military pressure and returning to the original intention of national governance, thereby eliminating the basis for mobilization of extremist organizations.

KeyWordsBoko Haram; Ideology; Identities; Tactics

AuthorNing Yu, Ph.D., Lecturer, School of Politics and International Relations, Lanzhou University.