基于济州岛海陆交互区域潜嫂（海女）社区的潜水都市主义与公共资源管理

著：（韩）康峻豪 （爱尔兰）加雷斯·多尔蒂 译：肖粟丰

屏住呼吸，翻转、潜入，寻找、捕捉、起身，呼气，然后重复。在韩国济州岛，潜嫂（Jamsu），意为潜水的女子，也被称作海女（Haenyeo）。她们潜入海洋中，以捕捉不同的海洋动物和收割海藻为生①。这曾经是男女共同的习俗，但在15—17世纪期间，男性为了回避当地的军事任务和税收而逃离该岛后，潜水就成了以妇女为主的职业。随着男性潜水员数量的减少，在17世纪，当时的朝鲜王朝正式地重新分配了女性潜水人的工作，以收集鲍鱼来作为实物税。从那时起，女性潜水人逐渐将潜水发展成了一个复杂的文化[1]。潜嫂将社区的潜水场地称作“巴达巴特”（bada-bat），意思是海洋农场。她们共同耕种这些位于水下的农田。她们发明工具，并建立准则来保证这种以潜水为生的行为可以持续进行，这种行为被称为摩集（muljil）。当她们因春季的潮水或恶劣天气而无法潜水时，她们在被称作五阳派（wooyoungpat）的土地上耕种，为她们自己和家人种植粮食。同时身为农民和潜水人，潜嫂通过在陆地和海洋之间传递她们潜水和耕作的（副）产品，建立2种生态之间的连接。这些人为的介入手段为这2种环境提供了必要的营养物质，使许多生物体受益，其中包括人、动物和植物。基于潜嫂习俗的营养物质交换模式，笔者提出了潜水都市主义（Submersible Urbanism）：作为一个有节律的、相互的、区域性的系统，其中的角色积极地在可耕种的陆地/海洋和建成环境之间，交换各自的产品和副产物。

这项研究是主笔人康峻豪（Junho Kang）在济州岛进行了一年的实地考察的成果[2]。在2020年COVID-19疫情时期，康峻豪作为一名济州岛当地人，回到了家乡，记录潜嫂的生活空间和户外景观并对她们进行了采访。在2020年5—12月，第一阶段的田野调查包括了沿着济州岛的海岸骑行并浏览海岸景观（图1）。由于这项实地考察是源自康峻豪在场地中主观而具体的经验，下文使用“我”，而非“笔者”，以承认文章的主观性。

1 济州岛的生态条件和实地考察路线的地图Map of ecological conditions and fieldwork routes in Jeju

该项目遵循了建筑师进行实地考察的悠久传统，如罗伯特·文丘里（Robert Venturi）和丹尼斯·斯科特·布朗（Denise Scott Brown）在拉斯维加斯的研究，并参考了艾丽森·史密森（Alison Smithson）图文并茂的日记AS in DS: An Eye on the Road[3]。我与他们的研究关键的不同之处是交通方式：自行车，而非汽车，可以更利于探索潜嫂的村庄和景观，因为当地的公路弯曲而狭窄。这也使我能更近距离地接触当地的天气、地形和人。我的旅行距离不仅是以千米为单位来衡量的，身体肌肉的疲倦、空气的湿度和温度，以及一阵阵风的声音都能传递对距离的感受。自行车也以不同的方式限制了我能涉足的范围。我的平均时速是25 km。因此，从我家到我所能探索的区域之间的路程被速度、时间和体力所限制。当我的探索之旅变得更遥远，我不得不在村庄里去寻找一个临时的基地。这个过程使我更多地接触场地，并与环境中的人们进行交流，向他们了解潜嫂的村庄，以及简单地询问水源和住宿的地方。

后来，我搬到了三阳三洞（Samyang 3-dong）的一个潜嫂村落，当时有7名潜嫂在那里潜水②。我帮助她们搬运海藻，推动装满角蝾螺（Batillus cornutus）的小车，用现场笔记、速写、拍照和录音的方式去记录这些潜水女子的日常交流、感受和她们所处的环境。像做实地考察的人类学家一样，我通过定性和定量结合的方式研究了潜嫂的建成环境和文化。我试着去遵循“4∶1”的规则，即实地考察者每花1 h在场地中，就应该花4 h来分析解读他们的观察。我主要通过现场笔记的方式来实践这一准则。每一个在场地中发生的难忘的微小细节都会被记录下来，而这也使我的偏见显得清晰可见：从速写得来精准刻度的图纸和地图；通过照片拼贴，来描绘场地中出现的各种关系；通过聆听录音关注景观中的声音特质，以及在脑海中重建先前所处的环境。

这些在实地展现出来的与人和景观的体验和关联指导了潜在的设计介入手段。在没有预先确定的场地和设计方案的情况下，我通过与人的交谈以及自己在场地中的体验，逐步展开设计。出于对潜嫂、建筑和景观之间关系的兴趣，我深入描述这个场地，并向它投以新的可能性。这种方法很大程度源自我的论文导师之一加雷斯·多尔蒂（Gareth Doherty）和他的设计人类学（Design Anthropology）课程的指引[4]。他在巴林长期实地研究的经历带给了他启发。他的研讨课中专门开设一个模块，带领学生进行实地考察，让学生领会到设计和人类学这2个学科如何通过共通的民族志基础来相互启发[5]。民族志（ethonography）这个词，是ethno-（人）和-graphy（写作）的结合。罗伯特·M. 爱默生（Robert M. Emerson）、蕾切尔·I. 傅雷兹（Rachel I. Fretz）和琳达·L. 肖（Linda L. Shaw）在《民族志实地笔记》（Writing Ethnographic Fieldnotes）中解释道：“民族志实地研究包括了对于群体和个体日常生活的研究。”[6]通过身处现场的实地考察，民族志学者开始尝试去理解各种模式，并发掘从前可能没被注意到的各种关联。设计和民族志都是具有反思性和基于过程的。它们的区别在于，民族志是以描述为主且开放式的，而设计则倾向于以预测为主且更具目标导向。在整个研讨课和论文撰写期间，多尔蒂强调了沉浸在场地中的必要性、“4∶1”规则，以及拥抱不确定性和偶然性的开放心态。他要求我在一丝不苟的描述与充满开创性的想象力之间找到平衡。我所遵循的景观实地考察方法将设计师的预测能力和进行场地分析的工具（绘图、测量、摄影）与民族志（参与式观察、非结构化访谈和撰写反思性的现场笔记）相结合，所有这些都是设计过程的一个组成部分③。从城市、景观和建筑3个尺度，本研究提出了潜水都市主义的3个情节和设计主张。从实地调查中得来的3个情节描述潜嫂所面临的挑战，即从污染和气候变化到不安全的工作环境和不断消失的社区群体。结合潜嫂的习俗和文化，3个设计主张同时是对这些问题的反映和回应。

1 重新连接陆地与海洋

“海洋中没有物件（mulgun）了。”④

Mulgun在标准韩语中是指一件事或一个物体。在济州方言里，潜嫂将任何来自海洋的可兑现的物品都称为物件。一位来自三阳的潜嫂说她之前常会看到很多物件，包括海藻、角蝾螺和鲍鱼（Haliotisspp.），但现在越来越难在她们的海底农场巴达巴特找到这些物件了。她认为物件的减少是由于污染：来自城市的污水、地上养鱼场的废水、农田的肥料，以及附近发电厂排出的温水。对她而言最显著的变化是海洋变成了“河流”。她描述道，受潮汐和季节的影响，水曾经在巴达巴特流向许多不同的方向。在涨潮时，水会流向西方，退潮时则流向东方。然而，自20世纪80年代初，发电厂开始运营以来，她说水流方向发生改变，开始由东向西流动。三阳（Samyang）的潜嫂称这种现象为gang-badang，意思是“河—海”。由于水流变得不再那么活跃，过去在三阳潜嫂的巴达巴特中茂盛生长的海草急剧消失。而一旦海草消失，以它为生的其他物件也会逐渐消失⑤。

污染的另一个主要来源是城市的污水。20世纪70年代，随着旅游业的兴起，济州岛经历了快速的城市化进程[7]。污水处理设施跟不上人们不断增长的需求。超出处理范围的污水未经完全过滤就被排入海中。许多潜嫂社区群体对于污水会如何影响她们的健康和生活的前景感到担忧。月汀（Woljeong）村的潜嫂称，未经完全过滤的污水污染了她们的巴达巴特，甚至在社区成员中，有人身体状况受到了负面影响，例如产生皮肤病[8]。

其他人类产生的废弃物也导致了进一步的污染。2020年，济州岛沿海有387个地上养鱼场[9]。这些鱼由于被高密度地养殖在水箱内，经常遭受各种疾病的侵袭。为了解决这个问题，农民用抗生素来喂养它们。由于没有适当的环境指导准则，过量的抗生素与残留的鱼食一起通过废水流入海洋，导致水下荒漠化，或所谓的白化（whitening）[10]。白化指的是海洋森林（marine forest）消失了，它们被白色的珊瑚藻所取代。由于海洋森林为许多物种提供了庇护所和繁殖地，它们的消失对整个生态系统都是致命的，其中包括了以海洋森林为生的人，如潜嫂。根据韩国渔业资源局（FIRA）2015年的数据，35%的沿岸海域显示出正在或已经完全白化的现象[11]。自21世纪00年代中期以来，所有的海藻产量都下降了[12]。当潜嫂描述巴达巴特的变化时，经常提到的评论是，“海里再也没有草了”或“水底看起来全是白的”⑥。潜嫂用海洋的不同颜色作为判断污染程度的指标。在一个雨天，一位来自三阳的潜嫂告诉我，由于附近农田的溢流，水面以下的海水是“棕色”的。她说，化肥流入了海洋，污染了巴达巴特。这些担忧虽然还未得到直接的科学证实，但已有研究表明，由猪粪制成的肥料污染了济州岛的地下含水层。在济州岛西部地区水下的含水层中的硝酸盐氮（NO3-N）含量明显较高，而NO3-N含量是养猪业污染废物的指示指标。而这一片区域坐落着绝大多数的养猪场，在这里猪粪制成的液体肥料被大量使用[13]。污水、肥料和猪粪等污染物，污染了地下含水层和巴达巴特。这种对自然资源，尤其是水资源的单向采掘，是物件消失的原因。

这里并不总像现在这样一直被开采。事实上，在过去，土地和水之间的（副）产品和营养物质一直进行着循环交换。在20世纪80年代济州岛开始广泛使用化学肥料之前，潜嫂使用不可食用的海草（deumbuk）作为五阳派的肥料。当她们不潜水时，潜嫂就会在她们的五阳派上种植大麦、红薯、胡萝卜和大蒜。由于岛上的火山灰土壤不够肥沃，无法持续耕种，她们就用这些不能食用的海草和发酵的猪粪（dotgereum）来恢复土壤的营养成分[14]（图2）。海草包括各种海藻，如任氏马尾藻（Sargassum ringgoldianum）、鼠尾藻（S.thunbergii）和阔叶马尾藻（S.giganteifolium）。根据海草的种类和所在的村庄，收获的方法是不同的。通常情况下，潜嫂潜水并在水中切割海草，而男人在木筏（taewoo）上将海草拖出水面[15]。发酵的猪粪是另一种常用的肥料。在济州岛的传统茅草屋里，岛民们会在与居住区域分开的厕所（tongsi）里养育小猪。厕所有3个部分组成：由两块雕刻过的石头（jideulpang）组成的高台，作为人上厕所的地方；以人的废弃物为食的猪；以及环绕四周的石墙，为猪提供封闭的空间。这种当地的厕所展示了营养物质的循环交换。人类生活产生的副产物喂养了猪。发酵后的猪粪与不可食用的海藻和干草被混合在一起，作为农田肥料，而农田里的作物又喂养了人们。然而，由于20世纪末的城市化和耕种的工业化，这种营养物质的循环交换已经消失。由于廉价的化学肥料开始取代天然肥料，人类居住和耕作的副产物不再被重新利用。

2 潜水都市主义营养结构图Submersible Urbanism trophic diagram

我关于潜水都市主义的第一个设计主张是恢复陆地和海洋之间营养物质的正向交换。将陆地上的养鱼场移至海岸以外，利用长有海藻的人工礁石环绕其四周。海藻林从养鱼场得到营养物质，并被用来喂养海胆或鲍鱼。蚯蚓将连接整个陆地和水的营养链。远离海岸的养鱼场用蚯蚓喂养，而蚯蚓又从猪粪中获得了营养。蚯蚓的粪便也将部分替代化肥。需要收入来源的退休潜嫂可以饲养蚯蚓，将它们卖给渔民。她们也将蚯蚓的粪便卖给农民。潜嫂们也可以种植海藻和海带，减少水中的CO2，为角蝾螺、海胆和鲍鱼提供栖息地（图3）。通过这个网络，潜嫂社区可以以可持续的方式扩大和维系她们的巴达巴特。

3 潜嫂的巴达巴特和五阳派断面图Section of Jamsu’s bada-bat and wooyoung-pat

2 控制生产力并回馈

“在走回地面的路上，我的手臂受伤了。”⑦

通过各种规则和限制，潜嫂控制着她们的生产力。她们没有采用水肺设备来增加她们的潜水时间和收获量，而是延续着传统的屏气潜水的方法。然而，她们的工具发生了改变。对潜嫂而言，最重要的技术变化之一是潜水服。在20世纪70年代初潜水服被引入前，潜嫂以棉花为材料设计、制作自己的潜水服，称为muljeoksam和mulsojungei。尽管它的设计很实用，但穿着全棉的潜水服在冰冷的海水中潜水仍是痛苦而危险的。当日本出现潜水服时，人们对是否应该使用这种技术改进展开了辩论[16]。潜嫂起初被禁止使用潜水服，担心会造成过度捕捞。然而，最终每个人都开始穿它。时间控制着生产力。在引入潜水服之前，潜嫂每次最多可以潜水15～20 min。她们必须从水中出来，在一种由玄武岩石墙包围的室外火堆（bulteok）旁取暖。有了潜水服后，她们可以每天潜水8 h而不休息。为了防止物件耗尽，潜嫂对她们的潜水时长做了限制。这说明了引入潜水服的最大的动机是这种技术提供了体感上的舒适性，而非增加潜水的时长。

从季节的尺度，潜嫂会在特定物种的繁殖季节禁止对它们的捕捞。例如，如今潜嫂最显著的收入来源是角蝾螺，在其繁殖季节的6—9月会进行保护，这被称作禁采期（geumchaegi）。此外，潜嫂不采集或出售任何小于7 cm的角蝾螺，以控制市场供给[1]。

除了控制收成，潜嫂还在她们的巴达巴特中“播种”角蝾螺、鲍鱼和海胆，并保护它们，使它们能够生长。安美贞（Mijeong Ahn）在她的民族志研究中描述了在金杨（Gimnyeong）村的一个潜嫂社区播种和保护巴达巴特的做法。安像潜嫂一样劳作，记录了金杨的潜嫂如何将巴达巴特的一部分作为“天然农场”来培育角蝾螺[1]。在农场里“播种”小角蝾螺后，潜嫂会禁止摩集，以保证角蝾螺能够栖息和生长。其他的物种，例如裙带菜（Undaria pinnatifida）或羊栖菜（Sargassum fusiforme），甚至那些不可食用的海藻也在特定季节被禁止采摘。这些从收获的行为上去自我设立的约束，体现了她们对其捕猎的生物的尊重以及对潜嫂的生活方式的保护[1]。

在经历了一系列的拒绝后，我再次被允许进入三阳潜嫂社区的时候正是羊栖菜的收获季。当我在2021年3月搬到三阳社区居住时，这个社区对我变得很冷淡；当我是个访客的时候，她们对我很友好，但当我要搬入村子，她们对我的意图产生怀疑，这使我很沮丧，几乎要放弃继续研究这个社区。在离开村子之前，我拜访了潜嫂的三阳之家，想要再次去沟通我的本意。我看到潜嫂“金”在工作，她没有忽视我，而是请求我的帮忙。她的左臂打着石膏，她告诉我她在从水中走回陆地时滑倒了。走过不平整的玄武岩石块地形很危险，尤其是背着所有收成时。由于她的手臂骨折，金无法和她的同伴一起前往潮间带，那里是潜嫂们在退潮时收割羊栖菜的地方（图4）。2021年，三阳的羊栖菜收获期从4月14日开始。男人，通常是她们的丈夫或儿子，会帮助把海草运回岸上。然而，在三阳村，我是当时唯一的男性，所以我加入了她们，去帮忙收割海草。

4 羊栖菜收获的节奏与过程Rhythm and process of tot harvest

随着潮水的退去，6名潜嫂进一步走到陆地的边缘，切割海草。当潮水要到来时，我们就把羊栖菜搬到陆地上。为了抢在涨潮前搬完，我们必须快速移动。一袋羊栖菜通常重达20～30 kg。由于岩石湿滑不平，背着羊栖菜穿行是危险的。像潜嫂“金”一样，我也滑倒并割伤了自己。在玄武岩石头上搬运羊栖菜3天后，我学会了在地貌中观察来寻找相对更安全的通道。在开始的时候，当沿着一条湿滑的路线行走时，潜嫂会引导我到一条安全的道路。对于眼力未经磨炼的我来说，所有的岩石都是黑色的，外观相似。只有通过不断地在这片土地中行走，我才开始知道哪里的岩石更稳定，更不容易滑倒。

由于对通道的需求，潜嫂用水泥浇筑了道路。这些道路连接着土地和她们的巴达巴特，甚至允许车辆进入。然而，这种建造方法破坏了许多物种的栖息地，如海螺、鹅颈藤壶和居住在岩石裂缝中的螃蟹。

我关于潜水都市主义的第二个主张是用角蝾螺的壳来打造一条可持续的通道。收获角蝾螺后，三阳潜嫂会立即将其煮熟，把肉取出后，扔掉空壳。在20世纪20年代日本殖民占领朝鲜半岛期间，这些贝壳会被一家工厂回收重新制作成纽扣[17]。然而，在20世纪80年代工厂关闭后，再也没有工厂会回收它们了⑧。

角蝾螺的结构特点体现出它们有被用作潮间带填充材料的可能。角蝾螺的外部是有尖刺的。这些由碳酸钙（CaCO3）组成的贝壳，显示出强大的结构完整性。当堆叠在一起时，壳上的尖刺会互相咬合，变得稳固。沿着潜嫂走过的安全路径，将在岩石上安装多层土工格栅（geogrid）和土工网（geonet）。角蝾螺为填充土工网提供必要的体积，填补玄武岩石地表的裂缝和空隙（图5）。此外，这条路将标志着潜嫂行走的景观，并为每个人，包括潜嫂、游客和居民提供一条安全的道路来走进海洋。更重要的是，通过将劳作变得更加容易和无障碍，这条道路将为人们提供一个通过共生关系（例如播种和搬运收成物），重新与海洋联系起来的机会。随着时间的推移，角蝾螺的外壳会因海浪和人们的脚步逐渐破碎。定期的重新填补路径可以激励角蝾螺的新循环。

3 扩展社区和社区公共资源

“安静，走开。”⑨

巴达巴特被许多学者认为是一种可持续的公共资源模式。安在金杨村进行民族志研究时，描述了潜嫂进行监管和耕种的做法。她还讲述了村庄和潜嫂社区之间复杂的社会网络，以及这些因素对维护巴达巴特的重要性[1]。2021年，诺吴贞（Wujeong Noh）根据埃莉诺·奥斯特罗姆（Elinor Ostrom）关于实现集体管理公共资源的指导原则，研究了潜嫂社区和她们的巴达巴特，并展示其如何满足所有原则：清晰的边界和成员资格、相同的准则、共同选择的领域、监察制度、分级裁决制度、冲突解决机制、公认的组织权利、嵌套的层级和机构表现统计[18-19]。宋元秀（Wonseob Song）也将巴达巴特评定为全球重要农业遗产系统（globally important agricultural heritage system, GIAHS）[20]。

然而，这些学者没有强调的是建筑维度的公共资源，尤其是潜嫂的现代建筑。潜嫂是潜水人、农民，也是建筑师。如果说巴达巴特的海景体现了公共资源的原则及其运作原理，那么公共资源的精神则在建筑尺度上展现得最为具体。

Bulteok，一种户外火堆，是潜嫂建筑的一个典型代表，也是对社区的空间基础的反映。它由一个火坑、四周的石墙和表面平坦的石块（pangdol，一种用石头制成的平面，用于放置工具和产品）组成。潜嫂通常自己动手，用当地的玄武岩石材来建造她们的空间。这种室外火堆提供了一个避风的场所，潜嫂在此处取暖、换衣服，并在摩集前后和中途讨论行程（图6、7）。

6 在下道里的潜嫂自建环境Jamsu-built environment in Hado-ri

7 博斯海角火堆Bosikoji Bulteok

从1985年到20世纪90年代初，这些传统的户外火堆被转换成现代的室内空间，称为“Jamsu-tal-uijang”，意为潜嫂的更衣间，或称“Haenyeo-ui-jip”，意为海女之家。在当时的道知事张炳古（Byeong-gu Jang）的领导下，这些更衣屋被沿着海岸建造。它们提供了共用的浴室。潜嫂可以在摩集之后轻松地从玄关直接进入浴室洗澡，然后干爽地离开，来到客厅。渐渐地，潜嫂增加了其他项目，如工作间和厨房，增强了空间的家庭感和效率[21]。

尽管政府在努力保护这些潜嫂的空间和文化，且将它们列为了联合国教科文组织的人类非物质文化遗产，但这些仍在迅速消失。潜嫂的人口已从20世纪60年代的20 000人减少到2020年的4 000人。2020年，有59%的潜嫂年龄超过70岁[22]。截至2019年，这里只剩下102个更衣屋[21]。尽管即将灭绝，但她们的社区仍是门禁森严且隐蔽的。一个人要成为潜嫂社区的一员，她必须获得想加入的社区的一致同意。有时，她们必须为会员资格支付首付款。而男人，根据定义，是不能成为潜嫂的。这种排他性来自成员先前的投入、对外人的不信任，以及她们的巴达巴特中的物件总量和收入的下降。随着人口的老龄化，许多人担心如果不打开她们的大门会有一天面临灭绝[23]。通过我的实地调查，我想尝试作为一个男人、一个建筑师和一个边缘的存在，是否有参与潜嫂社区的可能性。

在三阳有一个废弃的室外火堆，叫作halmang bulteok，意思是“祖母火堆”。这个火堆有一个长方形的平面。它的北墙高约1.4 m，保存完好。它的南墙被切了1/2，被用作上面的储藏室的承重墙。这个储藏室是属于一个邻居的，它堵住了通往火堆的入口（olleh），这加速了这个火堆的衰落。而东面的墙则在许多年前被一场台风摧毁。

三阳的潜嫂对失去这种室外火堆非常感伤。她们对这个地方有许多回忆。潜嫂“金”告诉我，这里曾经有2个室外火堆。现存的一个，即“祖母火堆”，是由年长的潜嫂使用。相比其他的室外火堆，它能更好地为潜嫂挡风，因为它被城墙和自然地形包围。年轻的潜嫂，包括“金”，不得不使用另一个火堆，而这一个已经不再存在了。如果一个年轻的潜嫂试图进入“祖母火堆”去问问题，年长的潜嫂就会大喊：“安静！走开！”⑩

我关于潜水都市主义的第三个提议是重新激活“祖母火堆”作为潜嫂和外人的会面空间。经过一系列的努力，三阳潜嫂同意我去建造一个公共区域，让年轻一代人甚至男人都能进入，与潜嫂共享时光，共用空间。这个会面场地可以让潜嫂与外人建立起初步的联结。我重新建造了被毁坏的墙，并加上了屋顶，让人们可以在那避雨和遮阳，以及在中心区域围着火休息。

屋顶的设计思路基于bonjogang-i——一种鲍鱼壳。潜嫂发现物件且呼吸快用完，必须马上返回水面时，将它放置在水下作为标记物。在她们离开前，她们将鲍鱼壳置于物件的边上。这些鲍鱼壳会在黑暗的玄武岩景观中闪闪发光，使潜嫂能够返回去采集她们先前发现的物件。和bonjogang-i相似，新屋顶上的角蝾螺和鲍鱼壳将在景观中标志着祖母火堆。这个屋顶设计协调和融合了传统茅草屋顶和现代平屋顶这2种类型。传统的济州岛茅草屋顶被设计成缓坡和柔和的弧度。在大麦收割后，干草被堆放得很厚，并绑在屋顶上，以防止在岛上多风的天气下飞走。石板屋顶在20世纪末被引入时，重量太轻，人们通常用汽车轮胎和石头来稳固住它。在这个提议中，为了抵抗岛上的强风，角蝾螺的壳会被放置在平坦的屋顶上。它们在阳光下晒干，被打成粉末，作为天然肥料使用。

建造这个项目的过程成了另一种与人和场地接触的方式。尽管有许多人支持我的工作，但也并非所有人都欢迎我的介入，特别是那间储藏室的屋主，似乎对我为潜嫂做事感到不舒服。自从储藏室屋主在20世纪90年代破坏了这个火堆并堵住了通道后，屋主和三阳潜嫂之间的关系就变得不再友好。与潜嫂的更衣屋不同，室外火堆在法律上不属于潜嫂社区。在我与储藏室的屋主遇见的几天后，当地政府官员到场地上进行了检查。他们说，有人就我在现场的“可疑”活动向他们提出了投诉。从我开始建造，这些当地的关系——无论是有利的还是不利的，都变得愈发切实明显了。

建造的行为也改变了我与三阳潜嫂的关系。她们常常会驻足在这个火堆，就屋顶的设计以及堆砌石墙的技艺给我建议。施工，因为是一种体力劳作，被潜嫂视为一种真诚的努力。她们一开始对我和项目的用途表示怀疑。随着项目的进行，她们对我和这个项目的的信任也逐渐增加。特别是，真实可见的建造事实本身让她们可以想象出室外火堆的不同以往的可能性，想象之一是在火堆的新屋顶下烧烤。在2021年7月1日，我们通过在户外火堆生火一起庆祝了项目的完工（图8）。

8 景观中的bonjogang-i屋顶Bonjogang-i roof in the landscape

4 尾声：献上一船的供品

“一个潜嫂要想做好摩集，必须要贪心。”[1]

济州岛的潜嫂和渔民相信，风神迎灯奶奶（Yeongdeung halmang）从农历二月初一到十五来到济州岛。潜嫂在这期间不去摩集，而会准备用一系列的仪式来欢迎迎灯奶奶，这被称为迎灯祭祀（Yeongdeong-gut）。她们相信迎灯奶奶会播撒鲍鱼、角蝾螺和大麦的“种子”，给岛屿带来繁荣。2021年3月29日，我在吾照村参加了迎灯祭祀的活动。潜嫂和当地渔民建造了一艘用橡胶篮子做的小船。他们把各种祭品，如大米、水果和一只活鸡，放在船内。他们把船送出大海，祈求他们的安全和一年的好收成。

迎灯祭祀不仅显示了他们将收获归还给自然的一种方式，而且还显示了一种精神信仰。这是一种表达人类是更大的宇宙及其层级中的一部分的信念。潜嫂依然坚守着这种信仰，也许是因为她们有被淹没在浩瀚的水体中的经历。与在静态的陆地上不同，人体在水中是不稳定的，呼吸受限，会感到死亡在即。这样的经历使人在自然的力量面前变得谦卑。

就像所有的人一样，潜嫂是复杂而矛盾的。她们经常说：“潜嫂需要贪婪才能做好摩集。”[1]她们把海洋中的生物称为物件，纯粹是基于其经济价值。同时，她们向海洋中的神明和女神祈祷，祈求她们的安全和繁荣。她们不贪婪，不去尽可能多地捕捞，而是自主地制定规范，以保持她们的巴达巴特的可持续性，为下一个季节传播“种子”。她们为自己是潜嫂而自豪，但同时也会看不起自己。她们一天欢迎我，一天又赶我走。

设计，包括景观和建筑学，汲取了在空间中生活的物质和非物质方面的经验。然而，作为一个设计师，仅仅根据简短的谈话或书本，要了解我为之设计的人的思想是不容易的。景观实地调查给我提供了一个机会，通过观察和参与她们在景观和空间中的生活模式来达到更深层次的复杂性。巴达巴特、五阳派、室外火堆、潜嫂的更衣屋……这些空间反映了她们的生活、愿望和需要。所有这些空间都是与自然和谐相处的，始终表明我们是宇宙的一部分。

在气候变化、全球变暖、海平面上升的时代，这3个关于潜水都市主义的设计主张展现了在土地和海洋间的一种生活方式。不去撤退或加固海岸，潜水都市主义提议了一个有节律的、相互的、区域性的系统，其中的角色积极地在可耕种的陆地/海洋和建筑环境之间，交换各自的产品和副产物。当这样的公共资源原则和与环境的循环关系在城市中得到扩展时，城市可以成为应对气候变化的经济联盟，替代新自由主义的陆地和海洋私有化，以及最重要的是逐渐恢复人们对自然的归属感的社区。

致谢：

此项目在许多人的慷慨帮助下得以实现。哈佛大学设计研究生院Alfredo Theirmann和Alex Wall等教授提供了知识框架和许多建议。多名潜嫂欢迎我深入她们的社区，与我分享她们的时间和知识。学者和朋友们为我的研究提供了材料和反馈建议。我想对参与到本项目的所有人表示衷心的感谢。

注释：

① 在本文中，主笔人（康峻豪）选择使用潜嫂（Jamsu/Jamnyeo）来指代女性的潜水人，而非更加被广泛使用的词汇“海女”（Haenyeo）。“Haenyeo”一词起源于日本（出现在20世纪20年代日本对朝鲜半岛的殖民占领期间），而“Jamsu/Jamnyeo”一词最早出现在朝鲜半岛17世纪的记录中（见参考文献[1]）。更重要的是，我发现在交谈中潜水人自己使用“潜嫂”多过“海女”来互相表示或指代她们自己。这种有意的语句选择反映了作者对这个社区的尊重，以及尊重她们的用词，而不是由其他人和（或）外人的词汇来定义她们。

② 2022年5月，距离实地调查一年后，只剩下5名潜嫂。一名潜嫂在接种COIVD-19疫苗后去世，另一名因病住院。剩下的5人中有3人已经超过80岁。她们继续潜水采集的时间所剩无几。

③ 关于这个概念的更多信息，参见多尔蒂教授即将出版的著作Landscape Fieldwork（由UVA Press出版）。

④ 基于笔者的现场笔记（2021年3月9日）。

⑤ 基于笔者的现场笔记（2021年3月9日）。

⑥ 基于笔者的现场笔记（2020年9月28日）。

⑦ 基于笔者的现场笔记（2021年4月13日）。

⑧ 在一家由东博（Dongbok）潜嫂社区经营的餐馆里，贝壳被收集起来，由承包商回收做成传统的漆器。然而，随着对传统漆器需求的下降，角蝾螺壳已变成了一种不被需要的副产物。基于笔者的现场笔记（2021年4月30日）。

⑨ 基于笔者的录音（2021年4月17日）。

⑩ 基于笔者的录音（2021年4月17日）。

图片来源：

文中所有图片均由康峻豪拍摄或绘制。

（编辑/刘玉霞）

Submersible Urbanism and Its Commons: Jamsu(Haenyeo) Living Across Land and Sea on Jeju Island

Authors: (KOR) Junho Kang, (IRL) Gareth Doherty Translator: XIAO Sufeng

Hold your breath. Flip and dive in. Seek,catch, and rise. Exhale and repeat. Jamsu (潛嫂), meaning diving-women, or Haenyeo (海女), meaning sea-women in Jeju Island, South Korea dive into the ocean to catch various sea animals and harvest seaweed for their living①.Once practiced by both genders, diving became a women-dominated profession after men escaped from the island to avoid the local military duties and taxation between the 15th and 17th century.As the number of male divers decreased, the then feudal dynasty of Joseon officially reassigned the female divers to collect abalones as tax-in-kind in the 17th century. Since then, female divers have developed diving into a complex culture[1]. Calling their community diving groundbada-bat, meaning ocean-farm, the Jamsu have collectively cultivated their farm underwater. They have created tools and rules to ensure their diving ormuljilis sustainable.When they can not dive because of spring tides or bad weather, they farm their land, calledwooyoungpat,where they grow food for themselves and their families. Both as farmers and divers, Jamsu connect the two ecologies by transferring the (by)products and practices of their diving and farming across land and sea. These human interventions have resulted in providing necessary nutrients to both environments, benefiting many living organisms including people, animals, and plants. Based on the Jamsu’s practices of nutrient exchange, selfregulation, and community, this article proposes Submersible Urbanism: a rhythmic, reciprocal,and regional system in which actors positively exchange their (by)products through the cultivated landscape/seascape and built environment.

This research is an outcome of the author’s year-long fieldwork on Jeju Island[2]. During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, the author, a Jeju native, returned to his hometown to document the spaces and landscapes of Jamsu and conduct interviews. The first phase of the fieldwork consisted of riding a bicycle along and scanning the coast of Jeju from May to December 2020 (Fig. 1). As this fieldwork is a product of the subjective and specific experiences of the lead author (Junho Kang) in the field, this article uses “I,” instead of “the author”to acknowledge its subjectivity.

This project follows the long tradition of fieldwork by architects such as Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown in Las Vegas, and Alison Smithson’s illustrated diary,AS in DS: An Eye on the Road[3].One key difference was the mode of transit: a bicycle, instead of a car, provided the advantage of exploring Jamsu villages and landscapes that are situated along curvy and narrow roads. It also allowed close contact with the weather, terrain, and people. I experienced the traveled distances not only measured in kilometers,but through the fatigue in my muscles, the humidity and temperature of the air, and the sound of the wind. A bicycle also constrained the scale of coverage in various ways. My average speed was 25 km/h. Thus,the distance between my home and the explored areas was limited by speed, time, and endurance. When my travels ventured farther from home, I had to find a temporary basecamp in the villages. This process allowed me to be more exposed to the field and make contact with the people in the landscapes, as I inquired about Jamsu villages and simply asked for water or a place to stay.

Later, I moved into a Jamsu village in Samyang 3-dong, where seven Jamsu were diving at that time②. Helping them carry seaweed and pushing a cart full of horned turbans (Batillus cornutus), I recorded the daily interactions, feelings,and landscapes of these female divers in field notes,sketches, photographs, and sound recordings. Like an ethnographer in the field, I documented the qualitative and quantitative aspects of the built environment and culture of Jamsu. I tried to follow the “four-to-one” rule, meaning for every hour spent on the field, four hours should be spent interpreting the observations. Field notes were the primary means to do so. Every memorable and minute detail of the field was written down, which made my biases legible. Sketches were translated into measured drawings and maps. Photographs were collaged to describe the relationships found on site. Listening to the sound recordings was particularly helpful to notice the sonic qualities of the landscapes, as well as to reconstruct the field which I had experienced.

These embodied experiences in the field and the relationships with the people and landscape informed potential design interventions. Without a predetermined site and design brief, I developed a design program through conversations with the people and through my own experiences in the field. Interested in the relationship among Jamsu, architecture, and landscape, I described the field and projected new possibilities to it.This method was largely advised by one of my thesis advisors, Gareth Doherty, and his course on Design Anthropology[4]. Doherty’s seminar, with an active fieldwork component informed by his own extended fieldwork in Bahrain, taught how the two disciplines of design and anthropology can inform one another through their common ethnographic ground[5]. The word ethnography is a combination of ethno-, meaning people, and -graphy, meaning writing. As Robert M. Emerson, Rachel I. Fretz,and Linda L. Shaw explain inWriting Ethnographic Fieldnotes, “Ethnographic field research involves the study of groups and people as they go about their everyday lives.”[6]Throughin situfieldwork,the ethnographer begins to understand patterns and unearth relationships that might have previously gone unnoticed. Both design and ethnography are reflexive and process-based; they differ in that ethnography is descriptive and open-ended, while design tends to be projective and target-focused.Throughout the seminar and my thesis, Doherty emphasized the need for immersion in the field,the “four-to-one” rule, and an open mindset to embrace uncertainties and serendipities. This approach demands balancing rigorous description with creative imaginations. The landscape fieldwork approach that I followed combines the designers’projective skills and tools for site analysis (drawing,measuring, and photographing) with ethnography(participant observation, unstructured interviews,and writing reflexive fieldnotes), as an integral part of a design process③. This paper proposes three episodes/propositions of Submersible Urbanism on an urban, landscape, and architectural scale.The three episodes from the fieldwork describe the challenges that Jamsu face, spanning from pollution and climate change, to unsafe work environments, to disappearing communities. The three propositions are simultaneously a reflection and response to these issues based on traditional Jamsu practices and culture.

1 Reconnecting Land and Sea

“There is no mulgun in the ocean.”④

Mulguntranslates to a thing or an object in standard Korean. In the Jeju dialect, Jamsu refer to any cashable product from the ocean asmulgun.A Jamsu from Samyang said she used to see much moremulgunin the past, from seaweeds and horned turbans to abalones (Haliotisspp.), but they have been harder to find these days in theirbada-bat. She believed this scarcity ofmulgunwas due to pollution: sewage from the city, wastewater from above-ground fish farms, fertilizers from agricultural fields, and warm discharge from a nearby power plant. One of the most noticeable changes for her was how the ocean had become a“river.” She described that the water used to flow in multiple directions in theirbada-bat,depending on the tide and season. During the rising tide, the current would flow towards the west and the ebb tide would flow towards the east. However, since the opening of the power plant in the early 1980s,the current has changed, flowing from east to west.The Samyang Jamsu call this phenomenongangbadang,meaning “river-ocean.” With the current becoming less and less dynamic, seagrass has no longer been able to be found, which used to, has dwindled drastically. With the disappearance of the seagrass, the othermulgunthat depend on it began to disappear as well⑤.

Another main source of pollution is sewage from the city. Jeju Island went through rapid urbanization in the 1970s with the rise of tourism[7],the demand of which has not been matched by sewage treatment facilities. This overflow of sewage has been dumped into the ocean without being completely treated. Many Jamsu communities are concerned about how the sewage affects their health and living. Jamsu from Woljeong village claimed that the sewage from the sewage treatment facility polluted theirbada-batand even caused health conditions, such as dermatosis, among members of their community[8].

Other human waste has also contributed to furthering pollution. In 2020, Jeju had 387 aboveground fish farms along its coasts[9]. Farmed fish that grow within a tank in high density often suffer from various diseases. In an effort to combat this phenomenon, farmers treat them with antibiotics.Without proper environmental guidelines, excessive antibiotics, along with the residual fish food,flow into the ocean through the wastewater,contributing to underwater desertification or socalled whitening[10]. This refers to the disappearance of the marine forest replaced by white coralline algae. As marine forests provide shelter and breeding grounds for many species, their disappearance is detrimental to the ecosystem, including the people who make their living from them, such as Jamsu.According to the Korea Fisheries Resources Agency(FIRA) in 2015, 35% of the littoral sea shows whitening in progress or completed[11]. Since the mid-2000s, all seaweed production has declined[12].When asked to describe the changes in theirbadabat,the Jamsu often commented on how “there was no more grass in the ocean” or “it looks all white under the water.”⑥Jamsu use various colors of the ocean as an indicator of pollution. On a rainy day, one Jamsu from Samyang told me that the ocean was “brown” underneath the surface because of the soil overflow from the agricultural fields nearby. She said the fertilizers flow into the ocean and contaminate thebada-bat. These concerns have not yet been scientifically substantiated, but studies show fertilizers made from pig manure have contaminated underground aquifers on the island. The level of nitrate nitrogen (NO3-N) in the underwater aquifer, an indicator of pollution waste from pig farming, was significantly higher in the west region of Jeju where the majority of pig farms are located and liquid fertilizer from pig manure is used[13]. Such linear extraction of natural resources,especially water, is whymulgunhas disappeared.

It was not always as extractive as it is now.In fact, there used to be a circular exchange of(by)products and nutrients across land and water.Before the widespread use of chemical fertilizer in Jeju Island began in the 1980s, Jamsu useddeumbuk(inedible seagrasses) as fertilizer for theirwooyoung-pat. When they did not dive,Jamsu planted barley, sweet potatoes, carrots,and garlic in theirwooyoung-pat. As the volcanic ash soil of the island was not fertile enough for constant farming, they useddeumbukanddotgereum(fermented pig manure) to restore the nutrients in the soil[14](Fig. 2).

Deumbukincluded various seaweeds, such asgojigi(Sargassum ringgoldianum),jichung(Sargassum thunbergii), andsilgaeng-i(Sargassum giganteifolium). Depending on the seagrass type and village, the methods of harvest varied. Commonly,Jamsu dived and cut the seagrass in the water,while men on thetaewoo(raft) dragged it out of the water[15].Dotgereumwas another commonly used fertilizer. In a traditional thatched-roof house in Jeju, the islanders grew baby pigs in their toilet(tongsi) separated from the living quarters.Tongsihad three components: a raised platform made of two carved stones (jideulpang) where people used the toilet, pigs that ate the human waste, and a surrounding rock fence that provided an enclosed space for the pigs.Tongsidemonstrates a good example of the circular exchange of nutrients.Byproducts of human dwelling fed pigs. Combined with inedible seaweeds and hay this fermented pig manure fertilized the agricultural fields. Crops from the field fed the people. However, through urbanization and the industrialization of farming in the late 20th century, such circular exchanges of nutrients have been lost. Byproducts of human dwelling and farming are no longer reused as cheap chemical fertilizers began to replace the natural fertilizers.

My first proposition of Submersible Urbanism is to restore this lost positive exchange of nutrients across land and sea. On-ground fish farms will move off-shore, accompanied by a surrounding artificial reef of seaweeds. Seaweed forests will capture the nutrients from the fish farm and feed sea urchins and abalones. Earthworms will connect the trophic chain across land and water. Off-shore fish farms will be fed with earthworms, which are in turn nourished with pig manure. The earthworm castings will in part substitute chemical fertilizer.Retired Jamsu in need of a source of income will grow earthworms and sell them to fishermen. They will also sell the earthworm castings to farmers.The Jamsu will cultivate seaweed and kelp, which reduces carbon dioxide in water and provides habitats for horned turbans, sea urchins, and abalones (Fig. 3). Through this network, Jamsu communities can expand and maintain theirbadabatin a sustainable manner.

2 Controlling Productivity and Giving Back

“I broke my arm walking back to the land.”⑦

The Jamsu have historically controlled their productivity through various rules and limitations.Instead of adopting scuba gear to increase their diving time and the harvest, they continue to use the traditional methods of breath-holding diving.However, their tools have changed. One of the most significant technological changes for the Jamsu was the wetsuit. Before its introduction in the early 1970s, Jamsu used to design and make their own diving clothes in cotton, calledmuljeoksamandmulsojung-i. Despite their pragmatic and functional design, diving in cotton clothes was painful and dangerous in the cold ocean. When wetsuits became available from Japan,there were debates whether this technological improvement should be adopted[16]. The Jamsu initially banned the use of wetsuits, concerned with the perceived risk of overharvesting. Eventually,however, everyone began to wear them.

Time controls productivity. Jamsu could dive a maximum of 15-20 minutes at a time before the introduction of wetsuits. They had to emerge from the water to warm their bodies around the fire at thebulteok, an outdoor fireplace surrounded by a basalt stonewall. With wetsuits, they could dive 8 hours a day without a break. To prevent the depletion ofmulgun,Jamsu introduced a limit on their diving hours. This suggests that the biggest motivating factor in the adoption of wetsuits was for the thermal comfort the technology provides,rather than increasing diving time.

On a seasonal scale, the Jamsu prohibit catching certain species based on their breeding seasons. For example, horned turbans, the most significant source of income for Jamsu today, are protected from June until September during their breeding season. This practice is calledgeumchaegi.Furthermore, the Jamsu do not catch or sell any horned turban smaller than 7 cm to control the supply in the market[1].

Besides controlling the harvest, Jamsu “spread the seeds” of horned turbans, abalones, and sea urchins in theirbada-batand protect them to allow for their growth. In her ethnographic research,Mijeong Ahn described the practices of seeding and protectingbada-batin a Jamsu community of Gimnyeong village. Ahn, working as a Jamsu,documented how Gimnyeong Jamsu sectioned a part ofbada-batas a “natural farm” to grow small horned turbans[1]. After “seeding” young horned turbans on the farm, the Jamsu prohibitedmuljilin the area to allow them to settle and grow. Other species, such asdolmiyeok(Undaria pinnatifida) ortot(Sargassum fusiforme), and evendeumbukare prohibited for certain seasons against harvestation.These self-imposed limitations on their harvesting practices respect the organisms they hunt and preserve the Jamsu way of life[1].

It was during the harvest season fortot,a black edible seaweed,when I was allowed to re-enter the Samyang Jamsu community after a series of rejections. When I moved to live in the Samyang community in March 2021, the community had turned cold to me; they had been kind to me as a visitor, but were suspicious of my intentions of moving into the village. Frustrated, I was close to giving up on this community. Before leaving the village, I visited the Samyang House of Jamsu,hoping to again communicate my intentions. I saw Jamsu “Kim” working on the road. Instead of ignoring me, she asked for my help. Her left arm was in a cast. She said she had slipped and fallen when walking back from the water to the land. Passing through the uneven basalt stone terrain is dangerous,especially carrying harvest. Due to her broken arm,“Kim” could not join her colleagues at the intertidal zone, where the Jamsu harvesttotduring low tide(Fig. 4). In 2021, thetotharvest occurred from April 14-16 in Samyang. Men, typically husbands or sons,would have helped to carry the seaweed back to shore. However, in Samyang village, I was the only man who was available at that time, and so I joined to help with the harvest.

As the tide receded, the six Jamsu proceeded farther to the edge of the land, cutting the seaweed.When the tide came in, we carried thetotto the land. Rushing against the incoming tide, we had to move quickly. A bag oftotoften weighs between 20 and 30 kilograms. Carrying it is dangerous due to the slippery and uneven rocks. Like Jamsu “Kim,”I also slipped and cut myself. After three days of carryingtoton the basalt stones, I learned to notice a relatively safer passage in the landscape. In the beginning, when walking along a slippery route,the Jamsu would guide me to a safer path. To my untrained eye, all the rocks were black with a similar appearance. Only by walking on the landscape did I begin to learn where the rocks were more stable and less slippery.

In need of pathways, the Jamsu built paths in cement. These pathways connected the land and theirbada-bat,even allowing vehicular access.However, this construction method destroyed the habitat for many species, such as conchs, goose barnacles, and crabs that inhabit the cracks of these rocks.

My second proposition of Submersible Urbanism is to make a sustainable pathway with horned turban shells. After harvesting horned turbans, the Samyang Jamsu boil them immediately.After removing the meat, they discard the empty shells. These shells used to be recycled into buttons at a factory during the Japanese colonial occupation of Korea in the 1920s[17]. However, after the closure of the factory in the 1980s, the shells were no longer recycled on an industrial scale⑧.

The structural characteristics of horned turban shells suggest their potential use as an infill material in the intertidal zone. The exterior of horned turban shells are spiked. These shells,consisting of calcium carbonate (CaCO3), show strong structural integrity. When stacked, the spikes of the shells bind with each other and stabilize.Along the known safe path traveled by the Jamsu,layers of geogrid and geonet will be installed to the rocks. Filling geonet with horned turban shells will provide the necessary volume to fill the cracks and gaps of the basalt stone landscape (Fig. 5).Furthermore, the pathway will mark the landscape where the Jamsu walk and provide a safe path for everyone to access the ocean, including the Jamsu,tourists, and residents to access the ocean. More importantly, the path will provide an opportunity for people to reconnect to the sea through symbiotic relationships (e.g. planting seeds and carrying the harvest) by making such work easier and accessible. Over time, the horned turban shells will break apart by the waves and the steps of people. Replenishing the path on a regular basis will encourage a new cycle for horned turban shells.

3 Expanding the Community and Its Commons

“Be quiet and go away.”⑨

Bada-bathas been discussed as a model of sustainable commons by many scholars. The ethnographic research by Ahn in Gimnyeong village describes the regulatory and cultivating practices in detail. She also describes the complex social networks of the village and the Jamsu community and how these components are critical to the maintenance ofbada-bat[1]. In 2021, Wujeong Noh examined the Jamsucommunity and theirbadabatfrom Ostrom’s design principles for enabling collective management of common pool resources and showed how they satisfy all of the principles:clear boundaries and membership, congruent rules,collective-choice arenas, monitoring, graduated sanctions, conflict-resolution mechanisms,recognized rights to organize, nested units, and institutional performance[18-19].Bada-bat was also examined as a Globally Important Agricultural Heritage System (GIAHS) by Wonseob Song[20].

However, what these scholars do not address is the architectural scale of the commons, especially the modern architecture of the Jamsu. The Jamsu were divers, farmers, and architects. If the seascape ofbada-batshowed the principles of the commons and their operations, the spirit of the commons manifests most tangibly in the architectural scale.

Bulteok, an outdoor fireplace, is an archetype of Jamsu architecture and a spatial foundation of the community. It consists of a fire pit, a surrounding stonewall, andpangdol(a flat surface made of stones onto which tools and offerings are placed). Jamsu constructed their spaces with local basalt stones.Bulteokprovides a space protected from the wind, where Jamsu warm themselves,change their clothes, and discuss things before, inbetween, and aftermuljil(Fig. 6, 7).

From 1985 until the early 1990s, these traditionalbulteokwere translated into a modern indoor space, calledJamsu-tal-uijang, meaning changing place of Jamsu orHaenyeo-ui-jip,meaning house of Haenyeo. Led by the governor at that time, Byeong-gu Jang, these changing places were built along the coast. They provided communal bathtubs wherethe Jamsu can easily enter from the vestibule directly to the bathroom aftermuljil, shower, and exit dry to the living room. Over time, the Jamsu added kitchens and workrooms, enhancing the domesticity and productivity of the space[21].

These Jamsu spaces and cultures are disappearing quickly, despite preservation efforts by the government and their status as an UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity and preservation efforts by the government. The Jamsu population has declined from 20,000 in the 1960s to 4,000 in 2020. In 2020, 59% of Jamsu were older than 70 years-old[22]. By 2019, there were only 102 changing placesleft[21]. Despite their impending extinction, the community is gated and seclusive. To become a member of a Jamsu community, one has to gain the unanimous approval of the community she wishes to join. Sometimes they have to make a downpayment for the membership. A man, by definition, cannot become a diving-woman. This exclusiveness derives from prior investments by the members, a distrust of outsiders, and the decline ofmulgunin theirbada-batand their income. With the aging population, many people are concerned that the Jamsu may one day become extinct, if their doors are not opened[23]. Through my fieldwork, I wanted to test the possibility of being involved in the Jamsu community as a man, an architect, and a marginal being.

There was an abandonedbulteokin Samyang calledhalmang bulteok, meaning grandmothers’fireplace. Thebulteokhad a rectangular plan.Its north wall, approximately 1.4 meters tall, was intact. Its south wall was cut in half, and was used as a foundation for a storage unit built on top. This storage unit, owned by a neighbor, blocked the entryway (olleh) to thebulteok,which accelerated its decline. The east wall was destroyed in the middle by a typhoon years ago.

The Samyang Jamsu felt emotional about the loss of thebulteok. They had numerous memories of the place. Jamsu “Kim” told me that there used to be twobulteoks.The existing one,halmang bulteok,was used by the elder Jamsu. It protected the Jamsu from the winds better than the other as it was well surrounded by its walls and natural topography. The young Jamsu, including “Kim,”had to use the otherbulteok,which no longer exists. If a young Jamsu tries to enterhalmang bulteokto ask questions, the elder Jamsu would shout “Be quiet! Go away!”⑩

My third proposition of Submersible Urbanism is to revitalizehalmang bulteokas a meeting place between Jamsu and outsiders.After a series of efforts, the Samyang Jamsu allowed me to create a common space where the younger generations and even men could enter and share time and space with the Jamsu. This meeting place will form loose solidarities between the Jamsu and the outsiders. I rebuilt the destroyed wall and added a roof where people could shelter from rain and sun, and rest with a fire at the center.

The concept of the roof wasbonjogaeng-i.Bonjogaeng-iis an abalone shell that Jamsu place underwater as a marker when they findmulgun,but are out of breath and must quickly return to the surface. Before they leave, they place this bright shell next to themulgun; shining in the dark basalt stone landscape,bonjogaeng-iallows Jamsu to return to catch themulgunthey had found. Likebonjogaeng-i,the new roof with horned turban and abalone shells on top would mark thebulteokin the landscape. The roof design was a typological negotiation between the traditional thatched roof and the modern flat roof. Traditional Jeju thatched roofs were designed with low slopes and gentle curvature. Collected after the harvest of barley, hay was stacked thick and tied on the roof to prevent it from flying away in the windy climate of the island. When the slate roof was introduced in the late 20th century,it was too light and had to be secured, often with tires and stones. In this proposition, against the high winds of the island, horned turban shells will be placed onto the flat roof. Once the shells are dried under the sun, they can be powdered and used as a natural fertilizer.

Construction of the project became another way to engage with the people and the field. While many people supported my work, not everyone welcomed my intervention. In particular, the owner of the storage unit seemed to feel uncomfortable that I was doing something for the Jamsu. The relationship between the owner and the Samyang Jamsu was not favorable ever since the owner destroyed thebulteokand blocked the access in the 1990s. Unlike the Jamsu changing room, thebulteokwas not legally owned by the Jamsu community. A couple of days after my encounter with the storage owner, local government officials visited the site for inspection. They said that a complaint was filed with them regarding my “suspicious” activities on site. These local relationships — both favorable and unfavorable — became tangible as I built.

The act of building changed my relationship with the Samyang Jamsu. They often stopped by thebulteokand gave me advice on the design of the roof as well as techniques for piling the stonewalls. Construction, because it was a form of manual labor, was viewed as a sincere effort by the Jamsu. They were skeptical of me and the project in the beginning. As the project came to life, their trust in me and the project grew. In particular, the tangible reality of the construction made them imagine new possibilities of thebulteok.One of those imaginations was having a barbecue in thebulteokunder the new roof. On July 1st, 2021, we celebrated the completion of the project by making a fire at thebulteokfor barbeque (Fig. 8).

4 Epilogue: Sending a Boat of Offerings

“A Jamsu has to be greedy to do muljil well.”[1]

Jamsu and fishermen in Jeju believe that a goddess of wind,Yeongdeung halmang(Yeongdeunggrandmother), comes to Jeju Island from the first until the fifteenth of February in the lunar calendar. Instead of going out tomuljil,the Jamsu prepare to welcomeYeongdeung halmangwith a series of rituals, calledYeongdeong-gut.They believe thatYeongdeong halmangspreads the seeds of abalones, horned turbans, and barley,bringing prosperity to the island. On March 29th,2021, I joined theYeongdeong-gutin Ojo village.Jamsu and the local fishermen built a small boat made out of a rubber basket. They place various offerings such as rice, fruits, and a live chicken inside the boat. They sent the boat out to the ocean, praying for their safety and a good harvest for the year.

Yeongdeong-gutshows not only a way of returning their harvest to nature but also a spiritual belief that humans are a part of the larger universe and its order. The Jamsu still ascribe to this belief,perhaps due to the experience of being submerged in an immense body of moving water. Unlike being on static soil, the human body is unstable in the water. Breathing is impossible, and death can feel imminent. Such embodied experiences make one humble in front of the power of nature.

Like all humans, Jamsu are complex and contradictory. They often say “a Jamsu needs to be greedy to domuljilwell”[1]. They call living things in the ocean objects (mulgun), purely based on their economic value.At the same time, they pray to gods and goddesses of the ocean for their safety and prosperity. Instead of being greedy,by catching as much as possible, they voluntarily place regulations to keep theirbada-batsustainable,spreading the seeds for the next season. They are proud of being Jamsu, and at the same time, look down upon themselves. They welcome me one day,and exclude me the next day.

Design, including landscape architecture and architecture, draws the material and immaterial aspects of life in space. Yet, as a designer, it is not easy to understand the minds of people I design for solely based on brief conversations or books.Landscape fieldwork provides the opportunity to access deeper human complexities by observing and participating in their patterns of life in their landscapes and spaces.Bada-bat,wooyoung-pat,bulteok,Jamsu changing room… These spaces reflect their lives, wishes, and necessities. All of these spaces were built in harmony with nature,acknowledging that we are a part of the universe.

In the age of climate change, global warming,and sea-level rise, the three propositions of Submersible Urbanism show a way of living across land and sea. Instead of retreating or shoring up the waterfronts, Submersible Urbanism suggests a rhythmic, reciprocal, and regional system in which actors positively exchange their (by)products through the cultivated land/seascape and built environment. When such principles of commons and cyclical relationship to the environment are scaled to the city, cities can be economic coalitions to climate change, alternatives to neoliberal privatization of land and sea, and most importantly a community where people restore a sense of belonging to nature.

Acknowledgments:

This project was possible thanks to the generosity of many people. My professors at Harvard University Graduate School of Design, Alfredo Theirmann and Alex Wall,provided the intellectual framework along with much advice.Many Jamsu welcomed me into their communities and shared with me their time and knowledge. Scholars and friends have provided me with research materials, as well as thoughful feedback on my work. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to everyone involved in this project.

Notes:

① In this article, the lead author (Kang) chose to use the term “Jamsu/Jamnyeo” to refer to the female divers,instead of the more widely used term “Haenyeo”. The term “Haenyeo” is Japanese in origin (introduced in the 1920s during the Japanese Colonial Occupation of Korea),while the term “Jamsu/Jamnyeo” appears in the records as early as the 17th century in Korea (see reference [1]).Most importantly, I found that the divers use “Jamsu” more than “Haenyeo” to refer to one another or themselves in conversations. This intentional choice of language reflects the authors’ respect for this community, and our deference in allowing their vocabulary, rather than that of others and or outsiders, to define them.

② In May 2022, a year after the fieldwork, there were only five Jamsu left. One Jamsu passed away after a COVID-19 vaccination, and the other was hospitalized for illness.Three of the remaining five were older than 80 years old.

③ For more on this concept, see Doherty’s forthcoming book,Landscape Fieldwork(UVA Press).

④ Author’s field note, March 9th, 2021.

⑤ Author’s field note, March 9th, 2021.

⑥ Author’s field note, September 28th, 2020.

⑦ Author’s field note, April 13th, 2021.

⑧ In a restaurant run by the Dongbok Jamsu community,the shells were collected to be recycled by a contractor into traditional lacquerware. However, with the declining demand for traditional lacquerware, the horned turban shells have become an undesirable byproduct. Author’s field note, April 30th, 2021.

⑨ Author’s audio recording, April 17th, 2021.

⑩ Author’s audio recording, April 17th, 2021.

Sources of Figures:

All Figures © Junho Kang.

(Editor / LIU Yuxia)