Abstract

Contents

JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

(No.6.2016)

Contents

FeatureArticles

3 An Analysis of the “Trump Phenomenon”

Abstract: The Republican candidate Donald Trump won the US election in the face of adversity. He relied on populism and a deep division in the American society. Populism is rooted in widespread discontent and anger. The distribution is extremely uneven, the gap between rich and poor is widening, the middle class is shrinking, and the poor population is increasing, leading to a serious dissatisfaction with the status quo among the white, blue-collar voters. The divisions of the American society include the opposition between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party, the opposition between the elite and the grassroots, the antagonism between ethnic groups, and the division within the two parties. The most important opposition among them is the one between the elite and the grassroots. The grassroots do not trust the elite to the extreme, they have a strong mentality for change, and they want to see an “outsider of the Washington political circle” to be the President. Trump, who won the election, faces the challenge of quelling populism and bridging social divisions.

US presidential election, populism, the Divided States of America, deglobalization

About the Author: Tao Wenzhao is one of the Honorary Members, and Research Fellow at the Institute of American Studies, of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

Tao Wenzhao

16 From a Melting Pot to a Battlefield: The Role of Ethnic Groups in the Reorganization of American Political Parties

Abstract: The election of Trump as the next president of the United States has far-reaching significance for political science as it implies a profound development of a transformation of American political culture and an realignment of US political parties. As an important component of the contemporary transformation of American political culture, the reorganization of US political parties rises mainly from short-term US economic difficulties and long-term changes in the US demographic structure. Ethnic immigration is a fundamental force in driving the change of demographic structure in the United States, and therefore ethnic issues become an important factor in understanding the realignment of US political parties. Combined with the political changes in the United States since the end of the Cold War, ethnic factors have contributed to the realignment of American political parties in the three ways: (1) exacerbating the existing political polarization of the United States by the demarcations of ethnic groups,; (2) giving birth to a new electoral demographic geography with immigrant influx and ethnic concentration; (3) accelerating the development of “border wars” by breaking through traditional “political correctness.” Presumably, while ethnic elements are not the fundamental force in promoting the realignment of American political parties, they do play a catalytic role in the process of the realignment of American political parties from “cultural wars” to “border wars.” The United States is evolving from an ethnic “melting pot” to an ethnic “battlefield.”

Keywords: American political culture, realignment of political parties, ethnic groups

About the Author: Pan Yaling is Associate Research Fellow at the Center for American Studies, Fudan University.

Pan Yaling

China’sDiplomacy

34 The Ethnic Chinese in the Relations between China and Southeast Asia: Old Problems and New Concerns

Abstract: At the beginning of 2016, Professor Leo Suryadinata, a well-known scholar who has been studying the issues of Southeast Asia and the ethnic Chinese for a long time in Singapore, in view of the current state of reality in Southeast Asian countries, expressed his concerns about the security of the ethnic Chinese communities as an ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia in terms of the relationship between China and Southeast Asian countries. His observation resonates among the local ethnic Chinese, officials of Southeast Asian government and China’s scholars. It raises at least two issues: (1) the historical tragedy and practical concerns of the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia always alert the ethnic Chinese how to live with the whirlpool of the racial politics of Southeast Asian nation-states on their own; (2) Whether are the rise China’s international status and the development of the relationship between China and Southeast Asian countries conducive to the safety, as well as the promotion of the status, of the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia? This paper gives an analysis of the issues to illustrate the intermittent security persecutions, which are actually a product of the old problems intertwined with new concerns, faced by the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia in the relations of countries since the end of World War II, need China and Southeast Asian countries to work together to ensure a bright future for the local ethnic Chinese communities in the spirit of “a community of common destiny” while maintaining the interests of the nation-states.

Keywords: Southeast Asian countries, security of the ethnic Chinese groups, policy on Overseas Chinese

About the Author: Wu Qianjin is Research Fellow at the Institute of International Relations, the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences.

Wu Qianjin

45 The Construction of the Community of Common Destiny on China’s Periphery: Concept, Meaning and Path

Abstract: The concept of the community of common destiny has become a guideline of the new government of China to carry out its diplomacy toward neighboring countries. The concept of the community of common destiny is put forward in the context of China paying unprecedented attention to its periphery as a rising power. See from the leaders’ speeches and specific practices, the intention mainly involving the periphery is very obvious, with the connotation including these three levels: a community of interest, new values and ideas, and responsibility awareness. This paper argues that the construction of the peripheral community of common destiny is facing the following difficulties: the historical and territorial issues between China and some neighboring countries lead to a lower political mutual trust, the negative role is being played by the United States, and the concept itself needs to be further clarified. In view of this, in terms of the specific construction of the peripheral community of common destiny, firstly China should take advantage to its economic and trade strength; secondly, a joint research on the community of common destiny should be carried out; thirdly, China should strengthen the people-to-people and cultural ties with its neighboring countries; and fourthly, China should promote the building of institutions.

Keywords: community of common destiny, connotation, path of construction, peripheral strategy, the Belt and Road Initiatives

About the Author: Wang Junsheng is Associate Research Fellow at the National Institute of International Strategy, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

Wang Junsheng

〗59 The Arab Stakeholders and China’s Belt and Road Initiatives

Abstract: How to launch the Belt and Road Initiatives in the Middle East and Arabian region is an important theoretical and practical question. To answer this question, this paper constructs an empirical analysis framework by using a stakeholder theory. This paper first identifies 13 China’s stakeholders in the Middle East and Arabian region, and then uses the indicators of rationality, influence, and urgency of the stakeholder theory to measure them. It is found that Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Iraq and Egypt are the most important to China; they are important supportive stakeholders. Therefore, China should treat the five countries as a strategic pivots and regional priorities, making them to connect with China’s Belt and Road Initiatives by strategically corresponding to their national development strategies, carefully manage the relations afterwards to make these pivots to lead the whole area, and finally build an economic belt of the Belt and Road Initiatives.

Keywords: Belt and Road Initiatives, stakeholders, Arab countries, strategic pivot

About the Author: Gao Shangtao is Associate Professor at the Institute of International Relations, China Foreign Affairs University.

Gao Shangtao

78 Network Partnership Diplomacy, Alliance System and the Building the mechanism for the Belt and Road Initiatives

Abstract: As an important diplomatic idea proposed by China, network partnership diplomacy is aimed at building a global partnership network. Compared with the traditional alliance system, the network partnership diplomacy has the advantages of continuity and pluralism, introversion and equality, inclusiveness and flexibility, and being realistic and being present, among other things; it also has shortcoming such as weaknesses and complexities. Carrying out network partnership diplomacy can help to build the mechanism within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiatives. To carry out the network partnership diplomacy and build the Belt and Road has a relationship of with mutual promotion and common development; and both of them are long-term and persistent work, calling for China to pay more patience and efforts.

Keywords: network partnership diplomacy, partnership network, alliance system, mechanism building, Belt and Road Initiatives

About the Author: Gu Wei is Assistant Research Fellow at the Institute of International Relations, the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences.

Gu Wei

GlobalGovernance

91 Current International Immigration Governance in Eurasia: A Blueprint Based on Russia’s Experiences

Abstract: In recent years, with the Silk Road Economic Belt, the Eurasian Economic Union and the Great Eurasian Partnership being put forward and implemented, transnational population migration within the Eurasian region shows new features. First, the direction and the center of the transnational population migration are all the more evident. The transnational population migration within the region consists mainly of labor migration and migration for education, and China and Russia have become the two centers of the international migration in Eurasia. Secondly, the transnational population migration synchronizes with Eurasian regional development, and the deepening of regional integration promotes the activeness of population migration. Thirdly, the migration to Russia is the most active part of population migration within Eurasia. Therefore, both the extent of the Russian society to accept immigration and the regulations of the Russian government concerning immigration exert an influence on the situation of the population migration within the area that cannot be ignored.

Keywords: transnational migration, international immigration in Eurasia, immigration governance, Russia

About the Author: Qiang Xiaoyun Associate Research Fellow of the Institute for Global Governance Studies and Vice Director of the Center for Russian & Central Asia Studies at Shanghai Institutes for International Relations.

Qiang Xiaoyun

106 The British Performance on the Response to the European Refugee Crisis and Its Historical Origin: Based on an Investigation of British Immigration Policy after the Second World War

Abstract: Since the outbreak of the European refugee crisis in April 2015, Britain has been responding to the refugee crisis with negative attitudes, tough means, and strict restrictions on the influx of refugees in the United Kingdom. The strict restrictions on immigration and refugees in the United Kingdom have their deep historical origins. After World War II, the guiding ideologies of British diplomacy moved from the idealism based on federalism to a Europe-oriented realism, leading to the British immigration policy move from free and open to restriction and control on the whole. Racism in Britain is deeply rooted. With the influx of federal colored immigrants, the growing politicization of immigration and racial issues has had a profound impact on British politics and society. The multiculturalism policy started to pursue in the mid-1960s in the United Kingdom cannot really integrate immigrants. The British society opposes and rejects immigrants. With the failure of European mechanism for immigration and refugee and the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union, the United Kingdom will continue to implement a tight policy for immigration and refugee.

Keywords: European refugee crisis, British immigration policy, multiculturalism

About the Author: Yu Mingbo is a doctoral student majoring in world history the School of History, Nanjing University.

Yu Mingbo

122 The Differences and Similarities of the Responsibility to Protection and Humanitarian Intervention: An Investigation of the Dual Dimensions of Practice and Concepts

Abstract: The clarification of the relationship between the responsibility to protection and humanitarian intervention helps to evaluate and predict the development of the concept of the responsibility to protection and its applications in practice. The coherence between the responsibility to protect and humanitarian intervention is embodied in the two dimensions of practice and concepts: in practice, they both address the same problem and face the same obstacle to the question of whether and how the international community can take coercive actions when a sovereign state becomes a source of insecurity for its people; conceptually, the supportive ideology behind both humanitarian intervention and the responsibility is cosmopolitanism, emphasizing that the boundaries of state sovereignty can be broken through to rescue “strangers” in specific contexts. Premised on the similar nature of the two, the biggest difference is the responsibility to protect is accepted by the international community. The responsibility to protect redefines the issues and highlights the embedding of established international norms, leading to the difference However, a comparative analysis of the two cases, Libya and Syria, indicates that the reframed responsibility to protect cannot solve the fundamental problem; there is the trend toward alienation.

Keywords: responsibility to protect, humanitarian intervention, coercive intervention, cosmopolitanism, reframing

About the Author: Li Li is a doctoral student of the Class of 2013 at the School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University. Shen Dingli is Professor at the Institute of International Studies, Fudan University.

Li Li and Shen Dingli

AcademicEvents--

138 A Summary of the Conference on the “Transformation of the International Order: Global Challenges and Governance”

144 A Summary of the Seminar on the “Curriculum Construction and Disciplinary Development of International Political Economy”