Olubunmi Oyemade & Adeife Adeagbo
University of Ibadan, Nigeria
Abstract This paper explicates the linguistic and non-linguistic aspects of ideological representation in selected Nigerian political campaign advertisement memes on Instagram. Four memes pertaining to each of Muhammadu Buhari and Atiku Abubakar’s presidential campaigns on Instagram were selected and analysed using a combination of Kress and van Leeuwen’s (2006) Social Semiotics and van Dijk’s (1998) Critical Discourse Analysis. Key ideological stances of positive self-presentation and negative otherpresentation were discovered in the memes and the aspirants largely deployed both stances. However, while aspirant Muhammadu Buhari maintained the positive selfpresentation strategy for continuity of government, aspirant Atiku Abubakar concentrated more on the negative other-presentation in order to undermine the incumbent candidate/party. All these were achieved with the reinforcement of social semiotic resources such as the meta-functions: facial and body gestures/expressions, and bright colours.
Keywords: positive self-presentation, negative other-presentation, memes, social semiotics
Language is a human-specific instrument employed in expressing feelings, thoughts, and ideas. As a vital tool for communication, people wield it for sociocultural identification. It enables humans to express their thoughts through verbal (i.e. spoken and written) and non-verbal means. Language ties members of a speech community together in continuing interrelationships. Odebunmi (2006) identifies two functions language performs: (i) interactional, which is when language is used to establish and sustain social ties, e.g. expressing affection, sympathising with people, constructing identities among members of a speech community; and (ii) transactional, which deals with giving information to an individual or a group. This study is concerned with both functions as both are relevant to, and essential in the world of advertising.
Advertisement is a form of language that is used to convince consumers of the need to choose the item being advertised out of many options that may be available in the market. Advertising is an act of making a product or service known to the public through channels like mass media and the internet. In the same vein, the language of advertising is designed to inform, persuade, and convince consumers to subscribe to a particular service or buy certain products. It is that form of communication where the purpose is to influence potential customers about products and services. Such deliberate efforts to convince and influence are also portrayed explicitly in political campaigns.
Language is inseparable from politics since language draws people into the political rhetoric system. The most resourceful tool used by political actors to relate with and get the attention of the public is language. However, the use of rhetoric has only been the starting point; it has been observed that aspirants campaigning for political offices use other means to communicate to the masses and more importantly engage them through more than just the use of words (for instance, through the social media). These means of communication are characterised under a concept known as “social semiotics”, “a theory concerned with meaning at all forms” (Kress, 2009, p. 54), or what O’Holloran and Smith (2011) term as multimodal semiotics or multimodal discourse, which is seen as an emerging paradigm in discourse studies which extends the study of language per se to the study of language in combination with other resources such as images, scientific symbolism, gesture, action, music and sound.
These resources have become tools utilised as means of human interaction since the emergence and development of the internet and electronic devices, hence, the rise of what is known as Computer Mediated Communication (CMC). According to Herring (1996, p. 1), “Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) is communication that takes place between human beings via the instrumentality of computers”. The communicative affordances of the electronic world have set an advanced platform for advertising. In order to reach a large number of audiences within the shortest time and smallest space available, with the help of the electronic media, an advertiser can frame language in such a way as to suit a purpose. The use of multimodal texts in political advertising cannot be overemphasised as the use of language and other semiotic resources are employed to get the attention of the electorate.
This study examines how images and textual resources have proven useful in political advertisements not only in persuading electorates to support parties and candidates but also how political candidates have used the tools of texts and images to construct meaning and portray their ideological stances during campaigning. The representation of political aspirants through these resources deployed in social media platforms as a campaign strategy has become an interesting aspect of politics since the visual tools have profound ways of influencing users for communitive and electoral purposes. Possibilities encountered in the representations are undoubtedly noteworthy in scholarship about political discourse.
Existing research on political discourse have largely focused on the linguistic aspects in political activities. For instance, Fairclough (2005), van Dijk (2007), Mazid (2007), and Oyeleye and Osisanwo (2013a, b) examined political speeches from various dimensions: ideological representations through language use in election news reports, political posters, and general elections; language use in political interviews (e.g. Mullany, 2002; Odebunmi, 2009), language of political manifestoes (Alo, 2007), and political debates (e.g. Christie, 2002; Fento-Smith, 2008). Also, much has been done on political advertisements with attention focused on radio, newspapers, fliers, billboards, and televised advertising mediums (e.g. Tejumaiye, 2008; Edogoh & Asemah, 2012; Amifor, 2015; Spenkuch & Toniatti, 2016; Tejumaiye, Simon & Obia, 2018). Despite this large corpus of research in this area of endeavour, there is still a dearth of studies that consider the non-linguistic forms (semiotic) as equally important in the representation of ideologies of political campaign. This study addresses this gap by investigating the representation of ideologies in political campaign memes on Instagram. These memes are considered as a form of advertisement since they are deliberately created to perform the functions that other means of advertising do. This study is therefore aimed at exploring the contemporary use of language, considering especially the incorporation of tools of visual arts in selected Instagram political memes of Muhammadu Buhari and Atiku Abubakar during the 2019 Nigerian Presidential campaigns from a multimodal analytical perspective and how they are used to communicate ideological stances.
Lirola (2016) sees language as the major tool often used in politics to accomplish political ends, and the analysis of political discourse is crucial to understanding the different situations leaders can engage in. Language is a form of social behaviour and it reproduces and creates social structure. For Fairclough (2001), it is used in social relations to legitimize relationships, to establish power differences and to reproduce ideologies.
Understanding the language used in political discourse helps people to understand the main strategies used by politicians to persuade voters and to observe the distribution of political power through the representation of the candidates (Fairclough & Fairclough, 2012). Hence, language and politics are closely connected. The importance of language in politics is further stressed by Beard (2000, p. 2) who opines that “the language of politics helps to understand how language is used by those who wish to gain power, those who wish to exercise power and those who wish to keep power”. The language of politics disseminates the needed information to the electorate with a view to convincing or appealing to them. The language of politics is described by Szanto as “a lexicon of conflict and drama, of ridicule and reproach, pleading and persuasion. A language aimed at validating the people, destroying some and changing others’ minds” (1978, p. 7).
Politics and ideology are two inseparable entities. Ideology has been described as implicit assumptions held, largely in interaction with power relations. In this implicitness lies the capacity of ideology to give sustenance to power inequalities and thus serve “political” purposes (cf. Fairclough, 2001). Ideologies are seen by Wodak (1996, p. 18) as “particular ways of representing and constructing society, which reproduce unequal relations of power, relations of domination and exploitation”. Since ideology involves the politicization associated with language use, and language is the field of ideological representations, language can be investigated to expose implicit stances, attitudes and political leanings of people.
Originally, Dawkins (2016 [1976]) coined the term “meme” to refer to the idea of a disseminated cultural unit. This meant information with the capacity to infect people’s minds with a kind of duplicating replicability; imitation, for its part, was said to be the key to the survival of memes. Therefore, in this initial conceptualisation, memes were similar to the biological concept of gene, in the sense that both are replicators in that they can be passed on from person to person, so much that they take on a life of their own (Blackmore, 1999). A meme could be an idea, fashion, word, food, religion, behaviour or style that can be “copied, transmitted, remembered, taught, shunned, denounced, brandished, ridiculed, parodied, censored, hallowed” (Dennett, 2017, p. 170). According to the theory of Dawkins, ideas, theories, applications, customs, songs, dances, and the mood are examples of memes.
Memes have opened a new way to integrate various elements such as creativity, art, message, and humour into Internet culture. Memes, like genes, are self-replicating and are susceptible to variation or distortion. However, these two examples of replicators do not work in the same way. For Dennett (1990, p. 3), memes and genes are “different kinds of replicators evolving in different media at different rates”. The difference between these two replicators is captured in the principle termed Campbell’s Rule.
Genes are instructions for making proteins, stored in the cells of the body and passed on in reproduction. Their competition drives the evolution of the biological world. Memes are instructions for carrying out behaviour, stored in brains (or other objects) and passed on by imitation. Their competition drives the evolution of the mind. Both genes and memes are replicators and must obey the general principles of evolutionary theory and in that sense are the same. (Blackmore, 1999, p. 17; cf. Durham, 1991)
So, while genes are anatomical/biological and are transmitted genetically, memes are socio-psychological and are transmitted perceptually (cf. Dennett, 2017).
Blackmore (1999) used the concept of memeplex to explain the idea of internally self-reinforcing memes (cf. Hofstadter, 1983). This is when two or more suitable memes (co-memes) work together to ensure that constituent memes can replicate better and spread faster, but of course, with some variations. Various mutations of a meme must compete with one another, as well as with other memes, for attention, in terms of brain resources of both space and time, with physical space on billboards and newspapers, and with time on radio and television, etc. Furthermore, some memes will tend to discredit others.
Blackmore further considered memes from the evolutionary perspective and notes that the ability of memes to evolve led to the creation of newer designs of commodities (computers, printers, phones, etc). These new designs (memes) share fundamental features with other previous designs (memes) with some variations. This evolutionary process involves “fidelity, fecundity and longevity” of the memes (p. 204); fidelity to mean that “new” memes are only versions of previous ones because they share fundamental features, fecundity in that they have the ability to selfreplicate, and longevity in that because of their ability to replicate they survive for a long time.
Wiggins (2019) notes that a socio-historical account of the term “meme” reveals that it has continued to change because of human interaction with the internet since its introduction. Memes have become a useful tool of communication, a new form of language created and acculturated to suit communication via electronic devices. Communication technology such as the telephone, radio, television, and more recently the Internet have helped in the more effective propagation of memes.
The internet meme has been variously defined by scholars. For instance, it is seen as “any artefact that appears on the Internet and produces countless derivatives by being imitated, remixed, and rapidly diffused by countless participants in technologically mediated communication” (Dynel, 2016, p. 662), as “a relatively complex, multilayered, and intertextual combination of (moving) picture and text that is disseminated by the active agency of internet users, [and that become] popular among them” (Laineste & Voolaid, 2016, p. 27), and as “a group of digital items sharing common characteristics of content, form, and/or stance, which were created with awareness of each other, and were circulated, imitated, and/or transformed via the Internet by many users” (Shifman, 2014, p. 41). Memes are present in both the public and private spheres as texts and images; and people use them creatively to express both their uniqueness and their connectivity (Shifman, 2014).
Memes as used in this study align with Dennett’s assertion that even words are examples of memes, in fact, the best. This claim is premised on the fact that words “are quite salient and well individualized as items in our manifest image. They have clear histories of descent with modification of both pronunciation and meaning […]. They are countable […], and their presence or absence in individual human vectors or hosts is detectable by simple test. Their dissemination can be observed, and […] the Internet provides an ideal niche for their use” (Dennett, 2017, p. 170). Even more apt is Varis & Blommaert’s (2015) submission that internet memes are semiotic signs, all forms of mediated content that represent or transmit meaning, whether they “go viral” or not.
One crucial distinctive feature of internet memes is that they are ascribed to a “family” and part of their effective processing entails this family ascription (Nissenbaum & Shifman, 2017, p. 484). This paper focuses on a particular family of memes: the image macro meme, made up of a line or two of text on top of the meme, line(s) of text at the bottom and one picture in the middle. The image macro meme presents several interesting text-picture combinations for expressing feelings, representing conditions or situations and criticising certain phenomena. Memes are regarded as new medium not only used in delivering messages, but also as a medium of entertainment. Their widespread use is increasingly advancing because they can be easily disseminated through social media platforms such as Twitter, Instagram, Facebook and others. In this regard, this study endeavours to introduce an understanding of internet memes adopted and used to suit political purposes through a conceptual linkage between ideology and semiotics.
It is noteworthy that the multiplicity of mass media platforms provides diverse channels for churning out political advertisements. These platforms are radio, television, newspaper, magazines, outdoors, the Internet and most recently the social media. It is observable that Nigerian political parties and their candidates select the media platforms through which they would put forward their political advertisements based on the target audience. This is because there are demographic realities in media usage patterns among Nigerians. While the elderly ones rely largely on the mainstream media (radio, television, newspapers, and magazines), the majority of the youths rely more on the Internet, especially through social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter. For instance, Ekhareafo and Akoseogasimhe (2017) showed the extensive use of newspapers for political advertising in the 2015 Presidential election. Edogoh, Ezebuenyi and Asemah (2013) also gave insight into the use of the broadcast media (television) as a tool for political advertising. They noted that such advertisements could influence voters’ decision just as the combination of sound and visuals could aid more recall of political advertisements messages.
Commenting on the relevance of social media in modern practice of political advertising in Nigeria, Okoro and Nwafor (2013) posited that the utilization of online networking in political issues has been developing of late even though it was not at first recognized as a political apparatus. But political aspirants and politicians have understood the capability of social media sites. Hence, it has become one of the fundamental platforms for political aspirants to propagate diverse campaign messages to their constituents who have an interest in their political career and aspirations. Okoro and Nwafor (2013) reported that with social networking sites political aspirants appeal to citizens. This allows them to maintain constant touch with the electorates. This is because the Internet has drastically reduced the barriers of space and time that could impede active engagement of political advertising. Many political parties and leaders maintain social media accounts as a means to put out their agenda. Thus, the role of web-based social networking systems like Facebook, Twitter and YouTube in the electioneering campaign in Nigeria lately has become very important.
The two major contenders during the 2019 Nigerian presidential election—People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Congress (APC)—explored multiple media platforms to convey their agenda to the electorates. This study however, focuses on the social media campaign memes.
Social media are online platforms where individuals network, communicate, interact and build social contacts. These include websites and applications that make provisions for different activities such as social networking, social bookmarking, social curation, blogging and wikis. They are media platforms with social components and public communication (Adami, 2016). Social media facilitates the creation and sharing of information, as well as career interest alongside ideas across virtual communities and networks.
Instagram is a photo and video-sharing social networking service owned by Facebook. It was created by Kevin Systrom and Mike Krieger and launched in October 2010 exclusively on IOS. It rapidly gained popularity and has about one billion users as of May 2019. Instagram allows users to edit and upload photos and short videos through a mobile app. The app allows users to upload photos and videos to the service, which can be edited with various filters and organized with tags and location information. An account’s posts can be shared publicly and users can browse other users’ content as well as view trending content. Users can “like” photos and follow other users to add their content to a “feed”. Instagram also gives similar social connectivity to Twitter that allows a user to follow other users, called “friends”. These friends may follow any Instagram user, and are then called “followers”, though followership is neither automatic nor symmetric.
The data comprises advertisements memes deployed during the 2019 Nigerian presidential campaigns by two prominent candidates on Instagram. The candidates are the incumbent president of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari of the All Progressive Party (APC) and presidential aspirant Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The memes (4 for each aspirant) were purposively culled from the Instagram accounts of both political aspirants due to their multimodal attributes. The study employed the descriptive research design, deeply rooted in the qualitative approach to analysis.
This study adopted van Dijk’s (1995) Critical Discourse Analysis, particularly the Socio-cognitive approach, and Kress and van Leeuwen’s (2006) socio-semiotic approach (which was developed from Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar) in analysing the data for this study.
Van Dijk (1995) opines that it is the social cognition and personal cognition that mediate between society and discourse. He defines social cognition as the system of mental representations and processes of group members. He sees socio-cognition as a mediating part between text and the society and notes that critical discourse analysis (henceforth termed as CDA) accounts for the various forms of socio-cognition that are shared by the socio-connectivities (groups, organizations and institutions) tracking ideology through verbal elements. He further notes that social cognitions are shared representations of societal arrangements, groups and relations as well a mutual operation such as interpretation, thinking, and arguing.
Every ideological representation is encompassed by expression of a person which is referred to as a ‘model’. An essential component in the ideological representation is the Us versus Them (van Dijk, 1995). Van Dijk’s CDA in texts makes explicit dimension of Us versus Them and demonstrates discursive strategies used in nativising predominant power. Van Dijk’s CDA therefore comprises two main discursive strata of positive self-presentation (semantic macro strategy of in-group favouritism) and negative other-presentation (semantic macro strategy of derogation). He identifies categories of ideological discursive strategy; van Dijk argues that ideological discourse often features the following overall strategies of what might be called the ideological square.
Van Dijk (1998) avers that ideologies are often articulated and based on the ideological square. People engage in intergroup discourse for self-presentation, selfdefence, legitimation, persuasion, recruiting, and so on, to create and sustain the groups as well as to sustain intergroup relations (van Dijk, 1998). Often, intergroup discourse is polarised between the Us versus Them dichotomy. Van Dijk (1998) presents a four-dimensional classification that characterises ideological intergroup discourse. The ideological square is categorised into four:
1. Emphasise positive things about us;
2. Emphasise negative things about them;
3. De-emphasise negative things about us; and
4. De-emphasise positive things about them.
By means of emphasis and mitigation, the ideological square polarises the in-groups and out-groups. Emphatically, ideological discourses present the good self and the bad other and simultaneously mitigate the bad self and the good other. The motivations of the speaker/writer inform the above classification. Basically, it is in the interests of the speaker or writer to emphasise positive aspects of the in-group and deemphasise any negative aspects. It is also in the interest of the speaker/writer to emphasise the negative aspects of the out-group and de-emphasise any positive aspects of the outgroup. This works in favour of the speaker/writer and his/her own group. Van Dijk (1998) sums these strategies as the “positive self-presentation” and “negative otherpresentation”. Analysing ideology in discourse involves paying special attention to properties that seem to demonstrate conflicting opinions, values and positions between groups, between Us and Them, and between in-groups and out-groups.
The social semiotic approach, according to Kress (2009, p. 57), asks the following questions:
“Whose interest and agency is at work here in the making of meaning?”, “What meaning is being made here?”, “How is meaning being made?”, “With what resources, in what social environment?” and “What are the meaning potentials of the resources that have been used?”, “How can past tense be an indicator of power?”, “How is it that a form that signals distance in time can signal social distance, a ‘distance’ produced by a social power?”
As a theory within multimodality, social semiotics theorizes meaning from three perspectives. The most important perspective is that of meaning-making—“semiosis” (van Leeuwen, 2015). It applies to all representations and communications. The second perspective is that of “multimodality”, which pertains to features common with all modes and the relations between them. The third perspective is that of dealing with a “specific mode”, which the theory caters for by describing the appropriate forms and meanings for the specificities of a given mode; that is its material affordances, its histories of social shaping and the cultural origins of the mode (Kress, 2009, p. 61).
Systemic functional approach is a social semiotic theory, where meaning is seen to be context dependent (O’Halloran, 2008, p. 444). Halliday’s meta-functional principle remains its major strength as a theory within. The principle gives a basis for exploring the functions of semiotic resources and examining the interaction of semiotic choices in fulfilling specific objectives in multimodal texts. Within the SFG framework, language contains three systems: semantic system, lexico-grammatical system and phonological system. The semantic system, which is most relevant to this study, involves three meta-functions adopted by Kress and van Leeuwen (2006): ideational function, interpersonal function and textual function.
The theory posits that there is no one-to-one relationship between meaning and sound; rather, the wording or grammatical level intervenes, making it possible to mean more than one thing at a time. Glossing these three meta-functions posited by Halliday, ideational function, interpersonal function and textual function, Kress and van Leeuwen say these three meta-functions do not relate only to speech or writing, but rather to all semiotic modes. Ideational meaning comes from our ideas about the world as experienced by us (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2014 [Halliday, 1985]). According to Kress and van Leeuwen (2006), any semiotic mode should be capable of representing aspects of the world (objects and their relations) as experienced by humans. The interpersonal function enacts social relations. Relating it to semiotics, Kress and van Leeuwen (2006) aver that any semiotic mode should have the capability of projecting the relationship that exists between the producer of a particular sign and the “receiver/producer” of such a sign. Textual function captures the organization of the meaning as coherent texts and units. Any semiotic mode should be able to form “texts, complexes of signs”, which cohere with each other (internally) and with context of where and why they were produced (externally). In each of the three metafunctions; ideational, interpersonal and textual function, semiotic modes offer a range of choices for representing the different meta-functions. Kress (2009, p. 57) opines that the linguistic approach is not sufficient enough to cater for many other aspects of meaning. The semiotic approach, on the other hand, focuses attention on the signs made during speech or on other modes, like gesture, gaze, facial expression, colour, spatial arrangement and so on.
This study also follows their pattern and analyses the representational, interactive, and compositional meaning of the texts and images in the Instagram advertisement memes of the presidential campaigns of Muhammadu Buhari and Atiku Abubakar.
This study discussed the ideological stances embedded in the political memes and simultaneously took cognisance of social semiotic resources utilised in expressing the stances. Two key ideological stances such as positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation were highlighted from the memes.
There is an ideological stance drawn from van Dijk’s perspective which is presented in Figure 1, showing the images of the presidential aspirant and incumbent president of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari, and his running mate, Vice President Yemi Osibanjo. The textual part of the meme is used to establish in-group favouritism for the political aspirants with the use of the words “prosperous”, “strong”, and “stable” which van Dijk sees as an “individual form of face-keeping or impression management or a more collective form in which the speaker emphasises the positive characteristics of their own group”. In this case, the participants are emphasising the positive characteristics of their party, which is explicitly conveyed in “Nigerians we are going higher”. The participants’ use of the collective pronoun ‘we’ captures both the participants and the viewers in a promising statement. The use of the catch-phrase “next level” and the word “higher” by the social actors is another example of positive self-presentation; it creates an awareness of continuity and a progressive ambition of the candidates or party for Nigerians. Overall, the semiotic resources pulled into the statements in foregrounding this positivity are important. For instance, the catch-phrase “next-level”, which is framed with the green colour, depicts “growth” or “development”. The colour indicates high modality as far as Kress and van Leeuwen (2006) are concerned because for them, colours are used to modulate reality in visual communication; they foreground the absoluteness of a represented situation. The green colour is used in such a way that it easily catches the attention of possible viewers (foregrounding the textual meta-function). The two lines showing upward movement depicted protruding out of the word “next-level” visually express the intention of the aspirants in moving the country forward.
Paying attention to the images (in terms of sizes of the frames) that refer to the closeness or the distance of the represented participants to the viewers, both participants are presented in a form of close social distance which presents the whole figure of the participants (foregrounding the representational meta-function). Also, these social actors are presented in full figure to create the impression of being close to the viewers. The full figure representation also makes the picture appear to be viewer-friendly (foregrounding the interpersonal representation with both participants depicted smiling) and strategically foregrounds the aspirants as the candidates of the people because they are easily identifiable. This is used to gain voters’ trust and approval since “photographs do not lie… more generally, and with particular relevance to the visual, we regard our sense of sight as more reliable than our sense of hearing” (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006, p. 154). The image of the smiling aspirants also creates a good impression about them; the ‘smiling’ is part of the message communicating good intentions, friendliness and affability.
Figure 1. Meme showing images of President Muhammadu Buhari and Vice president Yemi Osibanjo and a political statement
Figure 2 displays a political speech made by presidential aspirant Muhammadu Buhari placed beside his image. The statement is written on a green-coloured background which is fully saturated suggesting high modality (foregrounding the textual meta-function) which is meant to portray the speech for viewers to read. This representation quickly catches the attention of viewers because of its attractiveness. In a sense, the statement has been presented in such a way that it takes a larger space than the image to focus the attention of viewers on what is being communicated.
Figure 2. Meme displaying Buhari’s image and a political statement made by him
However, the representation of the political aspirant in close social distance which presents the whole figure of the participant (foregrounding the representational meta-function) is meant to provide authenticity to the speech since it shows that the participant made it. In other words, the textual and representational meta-functions are deployed to show viewers the statement and that Muhammadu Buhari is the author. The meme also presents the political aspirant (active participant) as an offer image since the gaze is not directed towards the viewers; rather it is directed towards the audience. However, the projection of the text which is culled from the speech being used to address the goal (audience) in this meme is displayed and directed towards the viewers; this is meant to cover up for the absence of the gaze, in this case it is the text directly facing the viewers saying something. It can be inferred from this meme that the text is performing a reactional process of directing a gaze at the viewers.
In Figure 3 below, the social actor gazes directly at the viewers. This is the demand image which represents participants as gazing directly at the viewer, and the gaze is accompanied with a smile (performing the same function as in Figure 1).
Figure 3. Meme showing Buhari and campaign promises
The size of the frame depicts the intimate distance which includes the head and face of the participant. The purpose of the framing here is to distance the political aspirant from the viewers and create more space for the political statements. Hence, the political statements are marked as the priority deployed for the viewers to focus on since the statements seem to provide facts about why the aspirants should be voted into power. The power angle here is deployed to make the viewers feel equal (eye-level angle) to the participant in the image. This power angle may have also been deployed to make the viewers feel respected by being made to be part of the situation in some way. The statements are used to boost the positive self-presentation of the political aspirant in the text “six reasons to vote Buhari” with high modality colours such as the blue and red colours utilised in projecting the statement.
Also, the logo that shows a forward movement at the bottom right corner of the meme is used as an attention grabber by its use of the modulated colours of green, red and blue. It immediately draws attention to the catch phrase “next level” and portrays the participant as one who would surely move the country forward.
Figure 4. Meme announcing the election day
In Figure 4 above, the modal “will”, collocating with “win”, “installing”, “loading”, and “assured” are deployed to create an impression of certainty in the minds of the viewers. This impression is further reinforced with the projection of the aspirant in the form of an offer image to foreground the assurance of the candidates’ victory at the election. An offer image is when lettered messages overlaps with an image in order to draw more attention to the message rather than the image. This method is meant to make viewers read what is being communicated while the aspirant is not facing them directly. The waiting image of the participant being portrayed with the exhaustive use of the red colour which is a modality marker. A modality marker colour, according to Kress and van Leeuwen (2006), has a way of detecting the “credibility” of visual images. The red colour, as it saturates most of the image, depicts high modality and reaffirms the impression that victory at the polls is assured. The foregrounding of positive self-presentation is evidential in the statement “next level is assured” foregrounding the fact that the county will move to the next level once the aspirant is elected into power. Also, with the assuring representation of the text “loading…” and the figure “99%” displayed on a captured moving-green-bar further affirm that the aspirant would win.
Positive statements on the right side of the image are used to foreground the participant Atiku Abubakar as the saviour of Nigeria when he says “Today, I am formally presenting myself to you as the presidential candidate of not just the PDP but the hopes and aspirations of all Nigerians” and “my plan to get Nigeria working again” deployed as a representational meta-function where the aspirant is captured holding a booklet with his hands (vectors). Atiku portraying himself as the saviour is foregrounded in his use of the words “plan”, “hopes” and “aspirations”. Atiku is depicted projecting a positive self-presentation of both his political party (the PDP) and himself (the candidate). Furthermore, the presentation of the political statement has so much reliance on the use of the green colour in creating a level of mutual understanding between the aspirant and the viewers. Many Nigerians viewing the meme might see the aspirant as one who has truly come to “liberate” them from the devastation being meted out to them by the incumbent government. The national and cultural signification of the green colour was also used to impress this point upon the viewers—green, along with white are the national colours and it culturally connotes growth. Also, the effect which the demand image of the aspirant has on the viewers is such that his smile coupled with a gaze will directly influence their judgement and verdict about the aspirant in a positive manner.
Figure 5. Meme showing Atiku holding a book and a statement of intent
The representation of the political aspirants Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi in the form of a drug prescription in Figure 6 below is another strategy of positive selfpresentation. The two participants are presented as the solution or cure for Nigeria, especially with regards to the text “Vitamin A”, A here standing for Atiku, and he is presented and prescribed as a drug for Nigeria to get better as buttressed in the text “for a better Nigeria”. The motive of using “vitamin” in presenting the aspirant connotes authenticity in that the people can rely on him. In other words, he is simply saying that he is their cure or the solution to their problem. In essence, the illustration implies that Nigeria is in a state of illness and therefore needs treatment by the political aspirant. This is also foregrounded more emphatically in the text “the boost for a better Nigerian Economy” where the word “better” is boldly written in green colour and capital letters. The word “better” is strategically used in this way to boost the selfpresentation of Atiku Abubakar, particularly since it aligns with the use of “vitamin”. The display of the texts on the left and the aspirants on the right-hand side of the meme shed more importance on what is being communicated as in the texts (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006).
Figure 6. Meme showing PDP’s Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidates Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi as medicine
Furthermore, judging from the way the participants are represented (in terms of frame sizes), power play and political hierarchy can be inferred; the aspirant running for the post of the president is prominently portrayed over his running mate. The image of the presidential candidate in the meme obscures that of the other person. In addition, the vector pointing at the viewers is only coming from the presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar.
The political aspirant in Figure 7 is depicted performing a narrative process, particularly the reactional process which is created by an eye line vector. The eye line vector is the gaze that occurs within the image. The participant is captured smiling with a gaze at the viewers and this is deployed to capture and make viewers observe him as a friendly person. In this sense, viewers are more likely to believe and get along with an actor who puts on smile. The aspirant is also displayed with a demand image because his gaze is focused on the viewers thereby capturing the viewers directly. “If the participant is presented as looking straight at the viewers i.e. medium or eye level angle then it shows that there is an equality of power between the participant and the viewers” (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). The demand image plays a vital role in addressing viewers; it basically connects represented participants to the viewers to foreground a kind of intimacy among them. Likewise, the size of the frame shows “far personal distance” which is from the participant’s waist up”. Hence, a portrait kind of pictorial representation is achieved which also sets the viewers closer to the aspirants. The white colour which forms the background of the whole image illustrates low modality, because white and black colours show low modality (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). However, this colour may have been deliberately employed as background in order to clearly display the high modality colours such as the red and green colours. For instance, the red colour used in framing the texts “stop the job loss” (used in labelling the incumbent government as bad) and “vote for the man who” easily draws viewers’ attention to the texts. Through these means, their attention is drawn towards the good things which the aspirant has to offer once he is elected into office.
Figure 7. Meme showing Atiku’s image and some statements
Basically, the motive behind using the red colour is to make a point in which the participant (Atiku Abubakar) is portrayed as the man for the job and the incumbent party is portrayed as the party unfit to hold the office, also painting them in bad image with the red colour (as a sign of danger) as in the text “stop the job loss” and the black colour as in the text “before the very bad gets incredibly worse”. The green colour which forms the background on which the participant’s name is written also indicates high modality. Furthermore, a closer look at the fist logo at the top right corner of the image which appears in green with a little tint of white depicts high modality, combined with the phrase “articulated” and “youth force” displayed in red colour signifies strength. This foregrounds a call for youth mobilisation to vote the aspirant into power.
Figure 8 below illustrates the information value of the meta-functions with the political statements that foreground negative things about the incumbent government depicted on the left part of the image. These statements are well branded in high modality colours calling for the attention of viewers. The red colour here is used in framing negative information that paints the incumbent government in a bad image. There is an undermining message inferred from the description of the political aspirant and it foregrounds the negative characteristics of the out-group. In the opposite manner, the statements positively describing the political aspirant negatively portray the out-group. Hence, it could be inferred from the statements that the incumbent government does not have plans to provide jobs, is averse to the idea of restructuring, practises nepotism, has no regard for the rule of law and is a bad government.
Figure 8. Meme showing Atiku’s image and a number of statements
It appears that the aspirant represented in this figure has deliberately projected a bad image of the incumbent candidate/party with the green colour being used to boost the description. On the other hand, the gaze, demand image and smile emanating from the aspirant’s image is saying otherwise about him; that he is friendly and has good characteristics as opposed to the incumbent party. The positive characteristics are framed with the green colour (showing high modality) depicting all “good things” about him which the other candidate/party is not. It is therefore deduced that the green colour may have been used to represent or project good things about the aspirant.
With the understanding of the communicative tendencies of memes (whether mimetic or viral), their usefulness and potentials cannot be overemphasised in the world of politics. The use of memes by Nigerian political aspirants is indeed instrumental in making campaigns effective on the social media since the tools perform social semiotic functions coupled with political ideologies as mediums of communicating political intents and ideological stances. The analysis of the campaign memes on the 2019 Nigerian presidential election shows that political memes are constructed particularly to represent the aspirants campaigning for political offices as social semiotics (through meta-functions) and ideologically (through positive statements) to communicate political intents, elicit electoral support and ensure political acceptance. There is constant use of collective pronouns in the political statements in engaging and capturing viewers. Also, these memes, through the semiotic resources and ideologies, project the intense political rivalry between the two presidential aspirants—Atiku vs Buhari.
Language and Semiotic Studies2020年1期