《水浒传》成书于明初考——基于袍服颜色的考察

张 伟



《水浒传》成书于明初考
——基于袍服颜色的考察

张 伟

《水浒传》成书时间是《水浒传》研究中不可回避的重要问题，也是该小说研究中的老问题。近年来有不少学者进行了探讨和研究，但研究结果并没有缩小或者消除以往的分歧。文变染乎世情，总会烙上作者所处时代的印记。《水浒传》对人物的袍服颜色进行了细致的描绘，根据这些具体描写和中国古代社会中的制度与习俗，此书的成书时间应为章培恒等先生所考定的明代洪武或者永乐时期。

水浒传；成书；袍服；颜色

即便从现代学者们的研究算起，《水浒传》成书于何时也已称得上是个历时近百年的老问题。近百年来，众多学者从多个角度、多个方面进行了探寻，但问题至今仍然没有得到很好的解决。由于文献不足、材料舛错以及早期版本失传等原因，学者们对依据外部证据得出的结论存在不少訾议之处，对基于小说中的某些语句、某种器物等内证绎而出的结论也抱持怀疑。因此，此书成书于元代、元末明初还是明中叶，仍有待于继续考证。事实上，在新文献难以发现的情况下，全面研读小说原著、深入掘发其内证乃是必不可少的环节，这正如石昌渝先生所说：“作为文学门类的小说，无论是以历史还是以当下现实为题材，无论是以现实人生还是以虚拟世界为题材，必定都会打上作者所处时代的烙印。”①石昌渝：《〈水浒传〉成书年代再答客难》，《文学遗产》2007年第5期。统观全书，《水浒传》对袍服颜色的描绘非常细致，由这些描写推定，此书应成书于明初。

一、《水浒传》袍服描写体现等级意识

中国古代社会崇尚礼治，服色作为“舆服”的重要内容，属于礼治的重要部分，早在商周时期对此已十分讲究，秦汉以降的帝王们于御极之初每每要改易服色。董仲舒《春秋繁露·楚庄王》记载说：“受命之君……故必徙居处，更称号，改正朔，易服色者，无他焉，不敢不顺天志，而明自显也。”②赖炎元：《春秋繁露今注今译》，台北：台湾商务印书馆，1984年，第12页。除了报功章德、彰显治功等功能外，舆服还具有区别等级的重要作用。周锡保先生说：“所以孔子所曰：我从周制。所谓文章，其中包括当时的各种制度，礼、乐、仪、服饰等的上下尊卑，等级分别等的体现。”③周锡保：《中国服饰史》，北京：中国戏剧出版社，1984年，第5页。相对于古代的诸种衣服，袍服是古代官员们的朝服，在体现等级差别、地位高低方面的意味更为明显，古今的学者们已经对此进行过论述。五代时马缟《中华古今注》“袍衫”条说：“袍者自有虞氏即有之，故《国语》曰‘袍以朝见也’。秦始皇三品已上绿袍深衣，庶人白袍，皆以绢为之。”④马缟撰，吴企明点校：《中华古今注》，北京：中华书局，2012年，第109页。当代学者杨荫深先生说：“袍在汉以后即以为朝服之称，其服色历代均有规定，然唐以前尚无严格区别，且臣民均可服黄色。自唐以后，乃惟许天子服黄，臣民不得僭越，以迄清末还是如此。”*杨荫深：《衣冠服饰》，上海：上海辞书出版社，2014年，第5页。《水浒传》对袍服的颜色有着真切的描绘，这些内容明显体现了小说中人物在等级和地位方面的不同。

首先，小说中炳灵公、方腊等帝王类形象多身着赭黄袍。根据中国古代的神仙谱系可知，炳灵圣公为东岳天齐仁圣帝第三子，据《宋史》记载，宋真宗时封为“炳灵公”*脱脱等撰：《宋史》卷一○二《礼志五》，北京：中华书局，2000年，第1671页。，《三教源流搜神大全》则说“大中祥符元年二月十五日封至圣炳灵王”*叶德辉辑：《三教源流搜神大全》，清宣统元年(1909)刻本，第33页。。燕青去泰山东岳庙会争跤时，他随众人来到岱岳庙，恰看到庙中所供奉的“炳灵圣公，赭黄袍偏称蓝田带”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，上海：上海古籍出版社，1988年，第1088页。。方腊虽“僭越”称帝，他为梁山英雄们所败后从帮源洞山顶仓皇逃走，为掩藏形迹，他在逃亡的路上“脱了赭黄袍，丢去金花幞头，脱下朝靴，穿上草履、麻鞋”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第1451页。。由炳灵圣公和方腊二人的装束来看，小说正以帝王形象来描绘他们的袍服。

对于帝室贵胄，小说则描绘他们多穿紫袍。高俅受小王都尉指派去送镇纸狮子及笔架，其时的徽宗尚为端王，映入高俅眼帘的端王“身穿紫绣龙袍”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第18页。。林冲被发配至沧州牢城，他在路上曾前去造访“也是龙子龙孙”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第773页。的柴进，柴进的装束当时与端王甚为相似：

头戴一顶皂纱转角簇花巾，身穿一领紫绣团龙云肩袍，腰系一条玲珑嵌宝玉绦环，脚穿一双金线抹绿皂朝靴。*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第128页。

另外，小说中地位较高的将领多穿红袍。无论是宋朝战将还是辽将，小说均描绘过他们身穿红袍。如秦明是“头上朱红漆笠，身穿绛色袍鲜”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第941页。，索超则是“团花点翠锦袍红”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第941页。。大辽副都统军贺重宝“衬着锦绣绯红袍，执着铁杆狼牙棒”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第1256页。。兀颜统军两大先锋中的琼妖延纳“身穿石榴红锦绣罗袍，腰系荔枝七宝黄金带”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第1272页。。辽军中的贺重宝、琼妖延纳地位尊崇，自非一般人物不同。秦明本是青州指挥司统制，是青州的最高军事长官。索超是深受梁中书器重的正牌军，其级别难以完全证实于现实生活，但在大名府的地位同样尊崇。

在描写地位较低的仆从、商人时，小说又往往指出这些人的服装多以褐色、白色为主。白玉乔伴女儿白秀英行走江湖，四处做笑乐院本，他出场时则“穿着一领茶褐色罗衫，系一条皂绦”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第755页。。杨雄、石秀逃亡时在酒肆里遇到了做总管的杜兴，杜兴当时所穿则是“茶褐绸衫”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第691页。。武松被发配往孟州，在十字坡酒店遇到了张青，张青当时的服饰则是“头带青纱四面巾，身穿白布衫”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第393页。。

宋徽宗、方腊、柴进等人皆着袍服，且颜色与各自的身份相称。白玉乔、杜兴、张青三人不但没有穿袍服，而且所穿衣服也都是茶褐色衫、白布衫，其中透示的地位与“紫绣龙袍”、“绯红袍”区别判然。

二、绿袍人物在《水浒传》中颇受欣赏

《水浒传》中所出现的袍服，就其颜色来说有赭黄、紫、红、绿、皂、白等色，以红、绿二色为最多。由于绿袍所对应的品级在明代具有明显的变化，置之于具体的社会环境下考察，这有助于我们判断小说的成书时代。

绿袍有赞美好汉们的气概、性情之意。并非所有的好汉在小说中都穿袍子，但身穿绿袍的好汉除了其性情、本领有过人之处外，还往往具有较高的社会地位。

鲁智深颇有侠肝义胆，史进初见时便注意到他“是个军官模样”，曾做到关西五路廉访使，社会地位不低，他“禅杖打开危险路，戒刀杀尽不平人”，五台山主持智真长老视为诸僧皆所不及。他在小说中第一次出场时身上所穿即是绿色战袍，小说第三回《史大郞夜走华阴县，鲁提辖拳打镇关西》中写道：

史进看他时，是个军官模样。怎生结束？但见：头裹芝麻罗万字顶头巾，脑后两个太原府纽丝金环，上穿一领鹦哥绿纻丝战袍……身长八尺，腰阔十围。*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第39页。金圣叹评点此段文字说：“凡接写两人全身打扮处，皆就衣服制度、颜色上互相照耀，以成奇景。”*陈曦钟、侯忠义、鲁玉川辑校：《水浒传》(会评本)，北京：北京大学出版社，1987年，第85页。这比较明确地道出了绿战袍在刻画鲁智深形象时的重要作用。

在梁山诸英雄中，“仗义是林冲”，他在晁盖等人进退两难之际火并王伦，促成梁山首次聚义，推进了梁山大业的发展。但他功成而不居，金圣叹称其“豪杰有泰山岩岩之象”*陈曦钟、侯忠义、鲁玉川辑校：《水浒传》(会评本)，第362页。。在上梁山之前，他身居八十万禁军枪棒教头之职，外享有盛名，内有贤妻，人生正当快意之时，小说描绘其洒脱与飘逸的精神气度时正由绿袍加以渲托，小说第七回《花和尚倒拔垂杨柳，豹子头误入白虎堂》写道：

智深听得，收住了手看时，只见墙缺边立着一个官人。怎生打扮？但见：头戴一顶青纱抓角儿头巾；脑后两个白玉圈连珠鬓环；身穿一领单绿罗团花战袍；腰系一条双搭尾龟背银带。穿一对磕瓜头朝样皂靴；手中执一把折叠纸西川扇子。那官人生的豹头环眼，燕颔虎须……*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第101页。林冲豹头环眼，燕颔虎须，威猛粗犷似张飞，但他手执一把折叠纸西川扇子，则似较张飞多几分儒雅。他身穿一领单绿罗团花战袍，自然应与自己的地位、身份及气质相称。

再如赫赫有名的好汉没羽箭张清，他上梁山前曾以普通的石子将梁山十数位好汉打得丢盔弃甲、头破血流。上梁山后，他与众好汉在迎战童贯、征伐大辽时立下不少战功，其英姿亦多由绿战袍衬出。小说第七十六回《吴加亮布四斗五方旗，宋公明排九宫八卦阵》写道：

为头的战将是谁？怎生打扮？但见：枪横鸦角，刀插蛇皮，销金的巾帻佛头青，挑绣的战袍鹦哥绿。腰系绒绦真紫色，足穿气袴软香皮。雕鞍后对悬锦袋，内藏打将的石子；战马边紧挂铜铃，后插招风的雉尾。骠骑将军“没羽箭”，张清哨(路)最当先。*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第1112页。小说第八十四回《宋公明兵打蓟州城，卢俊义大战玉田县》又写道：

正战之间，“没羽箭”张清看见，悄悄的纵马趱向阵前，却有檀州败残的军士，认得张清，慌忙报知御弟大王道：“这对阵穿绿战袍的蛮子，便是惯飞石子的。他如今趱马出阵来，又使前番手段。*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第1226页。

鲁智深“鹦哥绿纻丝战袍”，林冲“单绿罗团花战袍”，“没羽箭”张清则“战袍鹦哥绿”，几人战袍花样不同，但均为绿色却大致无差，这些描写都说明绿袍在体现好汉们形象及气质上具有重要作用。

秦明、索超等人在上梁山之前多身穿红色袍服，他们的这种装束与各自的性格有一定的关系，秦明绰号霹雳火，索超则是“急先锋”，红色战袍正有助于显示他们的性格急如烈火，烈似霹雳。但这并不意味着穿红色袍服者的地位远远高于穿绿色袍服者，另一位著名好汉关胜，为“汉国功臣苗裔”，曾被拜为“领兵指挥使”后统兵征讨梁山，其装束是“金甲绿袍相称”*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第953页。，其职位不低，社会地位亦高，却是身穿绿袍。由此可知，红袍与绿袍在体现人物的地位上虽有差别，但没有本质的差别。

再从朝廷的赏赐来看，绿袍与红袍的差别也不大。宋江力排众议，坚持招安，几番周折之后，招安终于成行，这对朝廷来说是大事，也是梁山发展过程中的“重重喜”。在如此重要的场合里，宋江等好汉获得了徽宗钦赐的红、绿二种衣袍。宋徽宗于宣德楼上观看梁山好汉们的雄壮军容，龙颜喜动，且要求众好汉皆换上御赐衣袍。小说第八十二回《梁山分金大买市，宋公明全伙受招安》写道：

且说道君天子，同百官在宣德楼上，看了梁山泊宋江等这一行部从，喜动龙颜，心中大悦。与百官道：“此辈好汉真英雄也！”观看叹羡不已。命殿头官传旨，教宋江等各换御赐锦袍见帝。殿头官领命，传与宋江等。向东华门外，脱去戎装惯带，各穿御赐红绿锦袍，悬带金银牌面，各带朝天巾帻，抹绿朝靴。惟公孙胜将红锦裁成道袍，鲁智深缝做僧衣，武行者改作直裰，皆不忘君赐也。*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第1203页。此处明写徽宗所赐为“红绿锦袍”，公孙胜、鲁智深、武松等人所着皆为红色，三人都居身天罡星之列，由此推之，天罡星所得赐物当为红色，地煞星所得当为绿色。绿袍或者稍次于红，但同样体现着皇帝对好汉们的欣赏，其所隐含的庄重喜庆之意应与红袍相似。

三、《水浒传》中的袍服描写符合明初以前的习俗

绿袍作为公服具有很长的历史，在不同的时期，其代表的品级、隐含的意义也有所差异。明初以前，绿袍所显示的地位和品级较高，明代中后期则明显降低。朱元璋在洪武二十六年(1393)曾颁布律令，对公服的式样、颜色作出新的规定。由律令内容可知，着绿袍者的地位大为降低，明代林尧俞等纂修的《礼部志稿》记载：

洪武二十六年，定文武官公服。用盘领，右袵。袍或纻丝、纱、罗、绢，从宜制造。袖宽三尺。一品至四品绯袍，五品至七品青袍，八品、九品绿袍，未入流杂职官袍、笏、带与八品以下同，公服见诸司职掌。*林尧俞等纂修：《礼部志稿》卷十八，《影印文渊阁四库全书》第597册，台北：台湾商务印书馆，1986年，第323页。徐溥等人编辑的《明会典》也说：

文武官公服用盘领，右袵，袍或纻丝、纱、罗、绢，从宜制造，袖宽三尺。一品至四品绯袍，五品至七品青袍，八品、九品绿袍，未入流杂职官袍、笏、带与八品以下同。*徐溥等纂修：《明会典》卷五十八，《影印文渊阁四库全书》第617册，第612页。由此可知，明代洪武二十六年之后，穿绿袍者于官职中为最末等级，已经等同于没有品级的杂职。沈从文先生在《中国服饰史》中指出：

只见李逵放下绿袍，去了双斧，摇摇摆摆，直至堂前，执著槐简，来拜宋江。拜不得两拜，把这绿袍踏裂，绊倒在地，众人都笑。*施耐庵、罗贯中著，凌赓等校点：《水浒传》(容与堂本)，第1095页。寿张县令听闻李逵到来之后慌张而逃，李逵则穿上绿袍，摇摇摆摆，假做斯文，并且将绿袍穿回，到梁山上参拜宋江，最后竟被踏裂的绿袍绊倒，此段描写体现了庄重文雅与草率鲁莽之间的强烈反差，颇为诙谐滑稽。明朝县令为正七品，小说如果成书于明代中期以后，则寿张县令的公服应该为青袍，但小说中却一再描写为绿袍，这显然与明代中后期的生活实际不相符合。

洪武二十六年的律令也明显反映在明代中后期的文献资料里，《金瓶梅词话》对此也有一些相关的描写。《词话》第四十六句叙述吴月娘、李瓶儿等人卜卦，其占卜结果就反映出了明代官员的公服变化情况。

月娘道：“你卜这位奶奶。李大姐，你与他八字儿。”李瓶儿笑道：“我是属羊的。”婆子道：“若属小羊的，今年廿七岁，辛未年生的；生几月？”李瓶儿道：“正月十五日午时。”那婆子卜转龟儿，到命宫上矻磴住了。揭起卦帖来，上面画着一个娘子，三个官人。头个官人穿红，第二个官人穿绿，第三个穿青。怀着个孩儿，守着一库金银财宝，傍边立着个青脸撩牙红发的鬼。*兰陵笑笑生：《金瓶梅词话》，香港：太平书局，1982年，第1219页。此段暗示了李瓶儿一生中的三个男人：花太监、花子虚及西门庆。由小说中其他人物的装束可知，穿红者应是指花太监。西门庆受蔡京抬举提携，“居五品大夫之职”*兰陵笑笑生：《金瓶梅词话》，第789页。。就官服来看，“西门庆穿着青绒狮子补子，坐马白绫襖子”*兰陵笑笑生：《金瓶梅词话》，第1007页。，他的同僚夏提刑则“穿着黑青水纬罗五彩洒线猱头金狮补子圆领”*兰陵笑笑生：《金瓶梅词话》，第915页。。综合《词话》中所写，可知吴月娘等人卜卦时“卦帖”中出现的“穿青”者当是西门庆，穿绿者则是花子虚。花子虚除了继承花太监的大量财产外，不过是个才智平平的酒色之徒，这正显示出身着绿袍的身份地位在明代中后期已比较普通。同时，西门庆职居五品，所穿是青袍，其袍色与《礼部志稿》、《明会典》中所记制度的要求相合。

隋唐以后至宋元之间，朝廷在新科进士释褐时往往赐以绿袍，从社会心理来看，世人也多以身着绿袍为荣，题名为曾巩所撰的《隆平集》有记载说：

隋大业中始设进士科，至唐为盛，每岁不过三十人，咸亨上元中增至八十人，既而复故。开成间连岁放四十人，俄仍旧制。太宗即位，旬日之间放进士三十三人，经科百九十六人，并赐绿袍木简，未命官而释褐新制也。*曾巩：《隆平集》卷三，《影印文渊阁四库全书》第371册，第25页。南北宋之际的王栐在《燕翼诒谋录》中也说：

国初，进士尚仍唐旧制，每岁多不过二三十人。太平兴国二年，太宗皇帝以郡县阙官颇多，放进士几五百人，比旧二十倍。正月己巳，宴新进士吕蒙正等于开宝寺，赐御制诗二首。故事，唱第之后，醵钱于曲江，为闻喜之饮，近代于名园佛庙，至是官为供帐，岁以为常。先是进士参选方解褐衣绿，是岁锡宴后五日癸酉，诏赐新进士并诸科人绿袍、靴、笏。自后以唱第日赐之，惟赐袍、笏，不复赐靴。*王栐著，诚刚点校：《燕翼诒谋录》卷一，北京：中华书局，1981年，第4页。至南宋末年，新科进士释褐后仍以绿袍为服，元代刘一清《钱塘遗事》有“赴省登科五荣须知”一条，对此也有记载：

两觐天颜，一荣也。胪传天陛，二荣也。御宴赐花，都人叹美，三荣也。布衣而入，绿袍而出，四荣也。亲老有喜，足慰倚门之望，五荣也。*刘一清：《钱塘遗事》卷十，丁丙等辑：《武林掌故丛编》第6册，扬州：广陵书社影印本，2008年，第3451页。此外，《武林旧事》卷二“唱名”一条所记更为详尽：

关彦长丧其妇，安陆郑某往吊之。彦长泣曰：“哀乎！吾妇之亡也。生无以与荣，今其死，奈何！幸子之来，其丐我十百字，以铭其墟而塞吾之悲也。”某诺之。明日，彦长走仆持札来曰……遇关试年，昆季皆登科，绿袍荣耀相先后，独吾为布衣，吾妇未常以此自愧……*郑獬：《郧溪集》卷二十二，《宋集珍本丛刊》第15册，北京：线装书局影印本，2004年，第206页。

科举使一些士子朝为田舍郎，暮登天子堂，身着绿袍便是改换身份的重要象征，其荣耀自是非同寻常。至国家危亡之际，绿袍则成为检验和衡量人物是否具有忠义爱国之心的重要标志。《宋史》卷四五二《吴楚材传》所记似可作为注脚：

德祐元年，建昌降。明年春，楚材还其乡领村，纠集民兵。……楚材既失利，且乏援，大元兵诱降，其众多解去。楚材走光泽，为人所执。……郡遣录事娄南良讯之曰：“汝何为错举？”楚材抗声曰：“不错，不错。如府录所为，乃大错尔。府录受宋官爵，今乃为敌用事，还思身上绿袍自何而得？吾一鄙儒，特为忠义所激，为国出力，事虽不成，正不错也。”南良愧而语塞。*脱脱等撰：《宋史》卷四五二《吴楚材传》，第10340页。由传文可知，吴楚材组织乡兵抗元，兵败被擒，不屈就义。他所说的“府录”娄南良曾为南宋官员，后背宋投元。吴楚材以“身上绿袍自何而得”相责，使娄南良“愧而语塞”，可见绿袍在此处已成为是否忠贞的重要体现。

Between Confucianism and Buddhism: The Characteristics of Chinese Philosophical Thoughts in Tang-Song Period

—Centered on the Buddhist Intention of Confucianism and Confucianization of Buddhism

Zhang Xinmin

Since the Tang and Song Dynasties, the Chinese academic tradition had benefited from the introduction of Buddhism, and then got the new development of Neo-Confucianism andlixue. From there, not only was the metaphysical and moral world of Confucianism established, the harmonious and interactive academic ecology among Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism also gradually formed. The characteristics and capability of Chinese culture striving to make sense of the spiritual life of human beings were further strengthened. The great Confucianists in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties often associated with the Chan masters, and in fact Chan philosophy acted as their starting guide to experience and prove the Dao, which showed the historical trend of syncretism of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, and also reflected the function on cultural adaption of traditional Chinese academics in the aspects of soul settlement and even religious need as a kind of intellectual achievement about the human being understanding the essence of universe and life.

The Internalization of Chinese Thought during the Tang, Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties and Its Crisis:

A Reflection from the Perspectives of Chan Buddhism, Neidan, and Neo-Confucianism

Zhai Kuifeng

The introduction of Buddhism into China had a great impact on the progress of Chinese thought; in particular, during Wei, Jin, the Southern and the Northern Dynasties, the widespread life difficulties as well as civilian psychological anxiety led to the popularity of Buddhism. Starting from Han Dynasty, the growing Mind-Nature Theory promoted the overall internalization of Chinese thought during Tang, Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties. Buddhism itself, as a kind of internal religion, concerns the nature of mind. The emergence of Chan Buddhism in the Tang Dynasty marked the completion of the movement of sinicization of Buddhism. Consequently, Buddhism became a kind of religion in respect to how one could understand his mind. Under the influence of Buddhism and in particular Chan Buddhism, Daoism successfully transited from Waidan to Neidan during Tang and Song Dynasties. At the same time, Neo-Confucianism transitioned from “Nature being Li” to “Mind being Li”, becoming a kind of Confucianism which emphasized transcendent internalization; as a result, it strengthened civilian awareness of independence and human dignity and promoted civilian ideological emancipation as well as their awareness of freedom, democracy, and equality. These results were clearly shown in Chan Buddhism and Taizhou School. However, the overly strong internalized thought to some degree blocked civilian curiosity and explorations of the natural world and mechanical technology. After the middle period of Ming Dynasty, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism reached a balance on the Mind-Nature thought: they merged into one and ultimately caused the overall fossilization of Chinese thought. During the late period of Ming Dynasty, the Western Calendar defeated the Chinese Calendar, and this event signaled a deep crisis in Chinese thought. Western Christianity as well as natural sciences, which are of obvious external dispositions, were introduced into China in this period and promoted the externalization of Chinese thought thereafter. To pursue a balance between the internal and the external is the direction of the development of future Chinese cultures.

“Shadow of Flying Birds”: A Discussion of Observing Action through Inaction in Historical Studies

Luo Zhitian

To make sliced static observation of history, or to explore as far as possible the liveliness of life through still historical materials, are two different approaches. In operation, concrete studies are and can only be sliced or sectional, yet it is best for researchers to avoid sectional reflections, and present the dynamic of history as much as possible. The “shadow of flying birds” is similar to a static state of emergency brake in fast movement. Although the phenomenon seems to be solidified, one still can grasp the active posture and spirit through it. Viewing flying birds through the shadow is a penetrating way of observing action through inaction. Based on dynamic observations, researchers should also try their best to reflect on the modality that action and inaction containing in each other in the presentations.

Conceptual Discussion of Huanglao Theory

Chen Ligui

Huanglao Theory originated in the Warring States Jixia Academy. This theory was a combination of many theories with Taoism being the base theory. The theory utilizedLaoTzeand the name Huangdi as a goal for the theory. The target of the theory is to make the world a better place. The strategy is to combine the way of the “Tao” with law. Nature and politics should be one, and how one rules oneself and the country should be one in the same. The Huanglao theory combines the traditional theory of Lao Tze with law criteria. This will enable the theory to reach a higher level of superiority. Yin and Yang Theory is also incorporated in this new theory. The beginning structure was finished during the beginning of the Han Dynasty. Huanglao politics became a very efficient way to rule. On the other hand, this changed the theory of Lao Tze from “Tao” to “qi.” This led to the development of the basic understand ofqiin relation to the universe. This was also a major factor in the development of Chinese Medicine. Additionally, the conceptual theory was also taken from “Ru” and “Mo” theory. The law is created for the benefit of the citizens so the ruler should be the first person this law applies to Chinese people who have used the Huanglao theory to rule effectively for thousands of years.

A Discussion of Laozi’s Philosophical Thought and Philosophical Questions in Contemporary World

Dong Jingquan

People often say the “current global questions” all belong to the physical and practical issues. In a philosophical or metaphysical perspective, those can be generally reduced to the following questions: under rapid economic development, how to deal with the relation between human being and nature; under the severe imbalance between the scientific rationality and value rationality, how to redress the bias of scientism; under the condition of market economy, how to deal with the relationship between the group and the individual as well as the inter-individual relationship; with the pace of life becoming more and more fast, how to relieve people’s anxiety; and in an age of materialism, how to reconstruct the human world of value or significance. As Laozi overlooked the whole universe and human being from the height of “Tao”, which is the metaphysical noumenon of existence and value to the universe and social life, his observation and reflection on nature, human society, as well as the human mind and body must embody transcendency of time and space. Therefore, his philosophical thought can provide new approach and thinking resource for us to study and solve philosophical questions in the contemporary world.

On the “Civilization Transplantation” Theory and the Change of Kang Youwei’s Later Thoughts

Zhu Yitian

Kang Youwei, in his exile period, established the “civilization transplant” concept. It emphasizes that civilization is by no means a region, or a nation’s proprietary creation, but an achievement of exchange and collision with outside world. Thus, Kang Youwei asserted that there is no secret in the rise of modern European civilization. As long as there is the introduction of positive factors of foreign civilization, China’s rapid rise is not difficult. By enhancing the status of “substance,” Kang Youwei tried to break from the framework of “Westernized Chinese style.” On the other hand, Kang Youwei split “substance” from moral philosophy, refusing to judge the civilized society by “substance” standard and focusing more on the spirit of Chinese civilization. Therefore, he hovered between the diversity of world civilization and Chinese civilization centrism. That is why it is difficult to complete the integration of his theory, and the key point to interpret the Kang Youwei thoughts’ change from innovation to conservatism.

The Change of Feng Youlan’s Later Philosophical Thoughts:

Starting from the “Summary” ofANewHistoryofChinesePhilosophy

Li Jinglin

The “Summary” which Feng Youlan wrote for hisANewHistoryofChinesePhilosophy, shows a change from strictly distinguishing the form and intuitive content of a philosophical concept, to affirming that “the true philosophy is the combination of sense and intuition.” The foundation of the change is a change in philosophical idea. The internal mechanism of Feng’s change from highlighting “formal” idea in his early years to affirming the idea of “internal relation”, lies in the thought from “differentiating” to “transcending” universality and individuality, and then establishing the “concrete universal.” Viewing from the influence of Western philosophy, the change of his later thought took the opportunity of transcending Plato and New Realism by way of Hegel, and in this process, his acceptance of Marxism also helped. Such change should be understood as gradual prominence and consciousness of an intrinsic and potential meaning in his thought, with internal consistency in it.

Some Problems in the Studies of the “Maritime Silk Road”

Chen Zhiping

In recent years, under the efforts of all levels of governments, the studies of the “Maritime Silk Road” have quickly become a hot topic of academia and popular interest, with various activities and cultural festivals rising. Yet in an academic perspective, the oncoming wave of research on the “Maritime Silk Road” is much more like a mass action than deep, meticulous, and creative studies. The culture of “Maritime Silk Road” advocated by governments is quite positive on expanding the cultural influence in the world, as well as promoting exchange and cooperation with other countries in economics, politics, culture and so on. Academic studies should not be done as “old wine in a new bottle”, so researchers must exploit new fields, develop international perspective, and then present creative results as well as avoid utilitarianism or vulgarization. Thus can the studies of the “Maritime Silk Road” gain healthy developments.

The Establishment of Guards & Battalions and the Border Society:

The Official Group of the Regional Military Commission of

Ming Dynasty Sichuan and Their Social Lives

Peng Yong

There were only five Regional Military Commissions in the Ming Dynasty, but they had jurisdiction over much land, and Sichuan Regional Military Commission set in the Southwest border areas inhabited by minority nationalities was one of them. So far, correlational studies are very limited due to materials and methods. Starting from the essential attribute and idea of the establishment of guards and battalions, and focusing on the historical materials such as selection registers, true records, stele inscriptions, genealogy, collected works with some fieldwork, the author concludes that in the official group of the Commission, the hereditary military officers were specially transferred from relatively centralized region, while most of the civil servants were demoted. Each nationality lived in a delimited area; the Han officials mainly dispersed throughout the Anning River Valley, whose priority was to guard and keep local order; and Tusi (i.e. national minority hereditary headmen) managed subject people by order of the Imperial Court. The power struggles among Tusi, as well as growth and decline of different strata’s strength, but not the establishment of Guards and Battalions, acted as main cause for local turmoil. Affected by the long run of this establishment, there occurred great changes in the social lives of hereditary military officers and civil servants, including their marriages, families, religious beliefs, spiritual world and so on. Through each living family under this system, one could observe the inheritance and evolution of social organizations in the border society.

How to Settle the Public Property Disputes: A Case Study on Chongqing Hangbang in the Qing Dynasty

Zhou Lin

Based on the Baxian Archive, this article investigated 70 public property disputes in Qing Dynasty Chongqing, and discovered that the merchants of Chongqing Hangbang would rather settle these disputes through litigations than through mediations. Moreover, before the systematic reforms in late Qing Dynasty, the merchants of Chongqing Hangbang did established mutual-beneficial relationships with local officials and effectively protected their public property by lawsuits. But after the reforms have been put on the agenda, the whole thing changed. The local officials suffered from the increasing financial burden, and began to deprive the public property of Hangbang by lawsuits. Based on these facts, this article puts forward the model of “government-dominated rational market”, which means that the government dominated the market, but as long as the society and economy were stable, it was willing to leave a flexible space to promote commercial development. But if the political situation changed, the government officials might turn abruptly into the enemy of the merchants. Furthermore, the “autocratic rule” and the “rational market” coexisted in many regions of late imperial China.

“Dying from Carbuncle on the Back” and Chinese Historical Tradition

Pan Wuzheng

In Chinese history books, the kind of records of historical figures “dying from carbuncle on the back” can often be found. This disease was incurable in ancient times with very high mortality rate. The narrative element in historical biographies did not only mean true record, but also contain complex meanings, which embodied the crisis awareness of those figures, and became a metaphorical expression of the adherents’ death in late Ming and early Qing period. Because persons who were attacked by this disease would die in a quite deplorable state, historians integrated the idea of “Way of Heaven” into it, and in later ages, it evolved to an expression of curse. On the narrative technique, “dying from carbuncle on the back” could imply the emotions of some historical figures, reveal the tendency of historian’s appraisal, or render a strong tragic meaning. This element conformed to the ancient Chinese tradition of integration of literature and history, thus winning the favor of historians.

A Review of “Lüzuo” Recorded inRecordsoftheGrandHistorian

Meng Yanhong

The name “Lüzuo” seen in the “House of Chen She” ofRecordsoftheGrandHistorianrefers not to the subordinated people, the untouchable, the refugee, the vagrant, or the Village Assistant, but is rather textual corruption of the term “Lüwu”, which is the abbreviation of “Lüli (Village) Shiwu”. “Shiwu” refers to ordinary people without any ranks from age of corvee labor to age being exempted from taxes and corvée. People of the Han Dynasty were unfamiliar with the abbreviation, and additionally, the name “Lüzuo” could more show Qin’s tyranny, so they did not make further investigation, and such an error was then caused. Commentators of later ages just took the name literally, and their conclusions were insufficient.

A Textual Research of Writing Time and Place of Jiang Yan’s Poem “Overlooking Mount Jing”

Lu Lu

There has been controversy on the writing time and place of Jiang Yan’s poem “Overlooking Mount Jing”, and the problem concerns the studies of Jiang Yan’s official career in the years of Daming and Taishi of the Liu-Song period. By combing historical facts, and consulting Jiang’s poems and essays, it can be concluded that this poem was written in the fall of 468 AD, when Jiang Yan went to the mansion of Liu Xiuruo, the King of Prefecture Baling in Xiangyang by way of Mount Jing. At that time, Liu Xiuruo was not en-route to Xiangzhou, and still held the position of Yongzhou Regional Governor.

A Textual Research onTheWaterMarginBeing Completed in the Early Ming Dynasty:

Based on the Discription of Robe Color in the Book

Zhang Wei

The time whenTheWaterMarginwas finished is an important and age-old problem in the studies of the novel. In recent years, many scholars have made discussion and research of this problem, yet current results do not narrow or settle the difference. Literature is always influenced by the social mores, and baked the seal of the author’s times. InTheWaterMargin, the robe colors of the figures were meticulously described. According to those details as well as system and customs of ancient Chinese society, the completion of the novel should be in the period of Hongwu or Yongle in the Ming Dynasty as formerly examined by Zhang Peiheng and other scholars.

《文 史 哲》 2016 年 总 目 录

□学术史研究

我们需要什么样的学术史

——以中国古代文学研究为中心

魏晋南北朝史研究中的史料批判研究

横跨中外 通达古今

——诠释学与中国传统哲学现代转型的反思

晚清中国政论界的美国观再检讨

——以梁启超之美国宪法与政制观为中心

文本诠释与哲学史研究

子书崛起与书籍变革

新时期对汉赋经典的重新建构

“文明移植”论与康有为后期思想的转向

冯友兰后期哲学思想的转变

——从《〈中国哲学史新编〉总结》讲起

关于“海丝”研究的若干问题

□中国哲学研究

儒学、自由主义的人性论与政治观(笔谈)

儒家乌托邦传统与近代中国的激进主义

人性善恶与民主、专制关系的再认识

自由主义的人性论问题

权利政治与责任政治

儒家与自由主义：

人性论分野及其历史文化后果

中国早期文献及考古材料中黄帝形象的研究

从楚简本、帛书本、北大汉简本及今本

看《老子》的编纂

对话圣贤与经典

——孔子成圣之路与先秦诸子经典的形成

论和同

论西汉黄老道家的去向

——以《淮南子·道应训》所引《老子》为中心

“离形去知,同于大通”的宇宙无意识

——禅宗及禅悟的本质新解

《四书》本《大学》与《礼记·大学》：

两种文本的比较

我们应该如何运用出土文献？

——王国维“二重证据法”的不可证伪性

逻辑方法还是伦理实践？

——先秦儒墨“推类”思想辨析

弥漫之气：中国古代关于瘟疫“致”与“治”的思维模式

黄老思想要论

论老子哲学思想与当代全球性哲学问题

□中国社会形态问题

华夏国家起源新论

——从“猴山结构”到中央集权国家

中国古代对于君主专制的批判

中国是如何成为专制国家的？

□儒学研究

儒释之间：唐宋时期中国哲学思想的发展特征

——以儒学的佛化与佛教的儒化为中心

心性化与唐宋元明中国思想的内转及其危机

——以禅宗、内丹、理学为线索的思考

《绿窗新话》校释引言

新学独尊与两宋之际的颂美辞赋

汪中骈文地位之反思

《洛神赋》：从文学到绘画、历史

从诗界革命到南社：新古体诗的蜕生

论东汉赋的历史化倾向

论古代集句词的基本特征及其发展原因

明清之际即墨黄氏家族的政治劫难

及其诗风转变

中古胡姓家族之族源叙事与民族认同

“世界文学”的同与异及中国的境遇

武川镇豪强酋帅在西魏北周府兵体系地位考论

——兼析陈寅恪府兵制研究的相关观点

杨妙真新论

——研究现状、基本事迹和评价问题

帝国共和：从“清皇”到“大圣皇”

——关于“袁世凯加笔民国宪法草案”

隋代虞弘族属及其祆教信仰管窥

“狸猫换太子”传说的虚与实

——后真宗时代：宋代士大夫政治下的权力博弈

马王堆一号汉墓四重棺与死后仙化程序考

宇文氏东迁时间及与拓跋鲜卑的关系

唐后期五代诸军州镇屯田营田的若干变化

——土地私有与国家基层政治体制的重建

从近代美国文献看南海诸岛的主权

六朝贵族的自律性问题

——以九品官人法中乡品与官品、官职的

对应关系为中心

佛舍利崇拜的地理困境与感应舍利之起源

——对佛教偶像崇拜历史分流之认识

《清代学者象传校补》举要

用脚表述：20世纪二三十年代

中国乡村危机的另类叙事

世界体系理论方法论的启示意义

卫所制度与边疆社会：明代四川行都司的

官员群体及其社会生活

产何以存？

——清代《巴县档案》中的行帮公产纠纷

“疽发背而死”与中国史学传统

□当代学术纵览

文化比较的思想误区

——兼评安乐哲“儒家角色伦理”

□审美文化研究

数律化美学模型和形式美学体系框架

并非新说：美是生命活力的表征

蔡仪美学思想的两重逻辑

——马克思主义美学低迷管窥

时空视阈下的审美心胸理论

□左翼文学问题

冯雪峰“神话”鲁迅的努力、困境和贡献

□中国文论研究

论中国古代文学“传统”的内在作用机制

及相关理论表征

□文史新考

傅说之名再考辨

——兼论“鸢”字及其他

东汉襄乡浮图考

徐增与金圣叹交游新考

《史记》“闾左”发覆

江淹《望荆山》创作时地考

《水浒传》成书于明初考

——基于袍服颜色的考察

□名家治学谈

飞鸟之影：浅议历史研究中的以静观动

□学林春秋

“耿介拔俗”的一代史学巨匠

——丁山先生生平与学术

□政治哲学与法哲学研究

马克思主义中国化与

中国多民族国家的现代重构

论新保守主义政治思想的渊源、发展与影响

濡染与改造：

现代民主思想中国化过程中的民本观念

我们如何共同行动？

——“同意理论”的当代境遇

自由之目的：

对萧公权自由主义观的一种思考

法家分光镜下的中国现代思潮

□动态与综述

“秋瑾、徐自华、吴芝瑛、吕碧城暨近代女性文学高层论坛”综述

然而，以绿袍为荣的社会心理在当时比较少见。在明代中期的史料中，几乎没有朝廷赏赐绿袍的记载，文人也极少再以身着绿袍为荣。在明代中后期的一些小说作品中，身穿绿袍者的形象地位之低已甚为不堪。《喻世明言》第三十二卷《游酆都胡毋迪吟诗》中“绿袍皂履”者是冥王麾下的“绿衣吏”。《警世通言》中第三十九卷《福禄寿三星度世》中被刘本道一杆打落水中的“绿袍的人”竟是一只绿毛乌龟。身穿绿袍者降低为“绿衣吏”、绿毛乌龟，除了反映出世人对吏治腐败的痛恨外，还体现出穿绿袍者多为地位不高的“吏”和普通的民众，已降落至不再具备受人敬仰的社会阶层。
《水浒传》人物故事虽以北宋末年为背景，但却不可避免地染上了作者的生活场景，衣服的颜色样式自然会进入作者笔端，从而成为今天考察小说成书时间的重要参照。小说曾写到宋江、柴进扮作闲凉官至东京看灯，章培恒、骆玉明二位先生研究指出：明初曾为闲凉官制定特殊服色，并进而认为“《水浒传》的写定则当为洪武或永乐时期”*章培恒、骆玉明：《中国文学史新著》，上海：复旦大学出版社，2007年，第460页。洪武二十六年是袍服颜色的意义发生改变的重要时间节点，小说的描绘遵从了此前的制度习俗，则此书的成书时间应如同章、骆二先生所说。如果说它成书于明代中后期，小说还让鲁智深、林冲、张清等人绿袍加身，这与小说实际表现出的对好汉们的赞誉实在有所不称。
[责任编辑 刘 培]

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张伟，山东社会科学院文化研究所副研究员(山东济南250002)。