NEW DATA ON THE HISTORIcAL TOPOGRAPHY OF MEDIEVAL SAMARQAND

Shamsiddin S. Kamoliddin

NEW DATA ON THE HISTORIcAL TOPOGRAPHY OF MEDIEVAL SAMARQAND

Shamsiddin S. Kamoliddin

The famous central Asian encycloPedist Najm al-Dīn Abū Hafs ‘Umar ibn Muhammad al-Nasafī al-Māturīdī (460 – 537/1068 – 1142) belongs among the most outstanding scholars of central Asia of the Qarakhanid Period in what we today call the social sciences. He was originally from Nasaf, but he sPent most of his life in the caPital of the Qarakhanids –Samarqand. From textual sources it is known that al-Nasafī wrote more than one hundred works in the fields of Hadīth and Fiqh studies, history, Philology, commentary on al-Qur’ān (Tafsīr), and others (al-Ziriklī V: 222), but only some of them are Preserved to the Present day (Brockelmann 1898: 427 – 428). ManuscriPts of more than thirty works by Abū Hafs al-Nasafī are stored in libraries around the world. However, with the Passage of time more of his works might be discovered. Recently Professor Pavel G. Bulgakov discovered a unique manuscriPt of al-Nasafī’s encycloPaedic work titled Matla‘ al-nиjūm wa majma‘ al-‘иlūm (The Rising of Stars and collection of Sciences) (al-Nasafī, Matla‘ al-nujūm) in the rePository of the Abū Rayhān al-Bīrūnī Institute of Oriental Studies (Uzbek Academy of Sciences, Tashkent).

Of sPecial interest among the works of al-Nasafī is his historical-biograPhical work al-Qand fī dhikr ‘иlamā’ Samarqand (The Sweet in the Reference of the Scholars of Samarqand), which is a unique manuscriPt written in Arabic stored in the library of Suleymaniye in Istanbul (al-Nasafī, Sul.). The work of al-Nasafī was coPied by his follower Abū-l-Fadl Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Jalīl al-Samarqandī, who also comPiled its abridged version titled Mиntakhab Kitāb al-Qand (Abridged Book of the Sweet).[1]A coPy of this abridged version is held in the Bibliothèque National Française in Paris (al-Nasafī, Muntakhab; Blochet 1925: 227; Story 1972 II: 1112.). Both manuscriPts have great value, because each of them includessections absent from the other.[2]The text of the Istanbul manuscriPt had been edited twice (al-Nasafī 1991, 1999), and the second edition also included the text of the Paris manuscriPt.

The work of al-Nasafī was a continuation of two other works which are lost – History of Samarqand by Abū Sa‘d ‘Abd al-Rahmān ibn Muhammad al-Idrīsī (died 405/1015) (Haji Khalifa, vol. 2: 13; vol. 4: 571; Bartold 1963: 60), and History of Samarqand by Abūl-‘Abbās Ja‘far ibn Muhammad al-Mustaghfirī (died 432/1041) (Sezgin 1967: 353). This is a collection of the biograPhies of Hadīth transmitters (mиhaddithūn), faqīhs, and other notables who lived in Samarqand during the Period from the middle of the 8th century to the author’s time, i.e., the middle of the 12th century. In all there are biograPhies of about 1200 scholars who either lived in Samarqand or who were scholars of other cities of central Asia and elsewhere who visited Samarqand for Hadīth and Fiqh study. In every biograPhy, after the brief biograPhical information about the scholar, there is an Isnād naming the lineage of Hadīth transmitters, beginning with the Person whose biograPhical details have just aPPeared and ending with the ProPhet Muhammad. At the conclusion of the Isnād, which usually includes the names of between ten and twelve Persons, aPPears the Hadīth itself (i.e., the statement of the ProPhet Muhammad) which exPresses his observation of life and which served as a basis for conduct in orthodox Islam.

There are also two abridged versions of al-Nasafī’s work in Fārsī titled Qandiya-i Khиrd (Small Qandiya) and Qand dar ta‘rif Samarqand (The Sweet in the Acquaintance with Samarqand), which have also been Preserved to the Present day in numerous coPies in different manuscriPt collections around the world (Story 1972, t. 2: 1113 – 1115; Mikluho-Maklay 1955: 15 – 22; Ivanow 1926: 252). There are several coPies of both redactions in the rePository of the Abū Rayhān al-Bīrūnī Institute of Oriental Studies (SVR, t. 5, No. 3965 – 3970; t. 8, No. 5655; t. 10, No. 6869, 6870). The first redaction of Qandiya was edited in 1906 in Russian translation (Kandiya Malaya), and the second Persian redaction was edited in Samarqand in 1909 and in Tehran in 1955.[3]The Persian redaction of al-Qand includes semi-legendary tales about the Pre-Islamic ePoch, legends about the Arab invasion, and Passages about the buildings of Samarqand. Most of the text Presents data about local holy Persons, stories of their exPloits, and descriPtions of their tombs (māzārs). Some of the most valuable information included in these texts treats the irrigation system of Samarqand and several villages near the city (Belenitskiy, Bentovich, Bol’shakov 1973: 138; Bartold 1963: 60). Only the first Part of Qandiya, which includes the descriPtion of events of the Pre-Islamic Period and the time of the Arab invasion, might have originated in the abridged version by Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Jalīl al-Samarqandī of the 12th century cE, and otherParts of it were written in a later Period (13th–15th centuries) (Bartold 1963 61; Paul 1993: 80 – 81).

The information Provided by al-Nasafī about Samarqand is of great value because he sPent most of his life in the city, and consequently, was very familiar with its toPograPhy. Judging by his second nisba – al-Māturīdī, he lived in the quarter called Māturīd or Mātirīd, situated inside the medieval rabad’s wall (i.e., the suburban wall), remains of which are at Present known as Dīvār-i Qiyāmat.[4]There is also another oPinion, that he used this nisba because he was a follower of the “al-Māturīdiyya” school, which was founded by Abū Mansūr Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Hanafī al-Samarqandī (870 – 944), the famous scholar in Fiqh studies of the Hanafiyya movement.[5]

According to waqf documents of the 15th century, Mātirīd was a seParate village at that time (Samarkandskiye dokumenti: 392), surrounded by gardens (Samarkandskiye dokumenti: 232), although it was still designated as a “quarter” (mahalla) (Samarkandskiye dokumenti: 184, 185, 187, 315, 292). The whole area, lying in the north of Samarqand in the 15th century, was named “the old rabad” (rabad-i qadīm or rabad-i-kиhne) (Samarkandskiye dokumenti: 87, 386). It is exPlained that after the destruction of Samarqand by the Mongols in 617/1220-21 the center of city life moved into the southern suburb of merchants and artisans. However, in the area of the Afrasiab ruins life also continued in Part after the Mongol invasion. Some of the suburban quarters of the northern Part of the city also remained inhabited and after the 13th century they transformed into seParate settlements. The village of Māturīd (Mātirīd) was one of them (Bartold 1963: 141). A village with the same name exists to the Present day in the north-east of Samarqand.[6]According to archaeological data, the territory of the village was inhabited from the early medieval era onwards (Vyatkin 1902: 22).

Information on the historical toPograPhy of medieval Samarqand is available in many Arabic and Persian historical-geograPhical works. The most imPortant of them are the works of Arab geograPhers of the 9th and 10th centuries, such as al-Istakhrī, Ibn Hawqal, al-Muqaddasī, Ibn Khordadhbeh, and others (BGA), as well as al-Ansāb (Genealogical Names) of Abū Sa‘d ‘Abd al-Karīm ibn Muhammad al-Sam‘ānī (died 562/1167) (Kamaliddinov 1993: 34 – 39), Mи‘jam al-bиldān (The collection of countries) of Yāqūt al-Hamawī (early 13th century) (Yāqūt), and Samariya of Abū Tāhir Khwāja (17th century) (Abu Tahir Khodja). In this resPect great interest should attach to works not Preserved to the Present day such as the histories of Samarqand by Abū Sa‘d ‘Abd ar-Rahmān ibn Muhammad al-Idrīsī (died 405/1015) and Abū-l-‘Abbās Ja‘far ibn Muhammad al-Mustaghfirī (died 432/1041),and we can still avail ourselves of some of their information which has been Preserved in some later textual sources (al-Sam‘ānī). Moreover, rich factual material is also Provided by medieval documents (Khadr 1967: 324 – 328) and materials from archaeological excavations conducted over the last fifty years at the Afrasiab ruins.

The historical geograPhy of medieval Samarqand has been examined in a large number of works. Information on textual sources treating Samarqand was first used in the works of V. V. Bartold. A great role in research on the historical toPograPhy of Samarqand was Played by the archaeological excavations of such scholars as V. L. Vyatkin, V. A. Shishkin, G. V. Shishkina, M. E. Masson, L. I. Albaum, O. G. Bolshakov, Y. F. Buryakov, M. H. Isamiddinov, R. A. Suleymanov, A. A. Abdurazzakov, N. B. Nemtseva, Sh. S. Tashkhodjayev, M. N. Feodorov, M. Sadiev, and others. During the last few years intensive excavations at the ruins of Afrasiab were also conducted by the French archaeological exPedition under the guidance of F. Grenet.

The information Provided by al-Nasafī on Samarqand and used by earlier researchers was only based on the data Provided in the later abridged Persian version of his work. The Arabic original of al-Nasafī’s work is very different in content from its abridged version in Fārsī. It is a collection of biograPhies of scholars lived in Samarqand during the Period from the middle of 8th century to the middle of the 12th century. Among the biograPhical material about scholars al-Nasafī often Provides very interesting data of great interest for research on the historical toPograPhy of medieval Samarqand, and in studying this material we have found new data not known to Previous researchers.

In all, al-Nasafī mentioned 88 toPonyms in Samarqand – the wall (hā’it) of Samarqand, the wall (hā’it) of Hayyān, the wall (hā’it) Kausakān, three gates of the interior city (bāb), two gates of the exterior city (darb), 15 quarters (mahalla), 32 streets (sikka), seven cemeteries (maqbara), eight mosques, three religious schools (madrasa), three shelters of the Sufis (khānaqāh), seven caravansarais (ribāts), four trading centers (khān, khānūt), and one reservoir (hawd). In this article we research only the data Provided by Abū Hafs al-Nasafī on the city structure, the fortress constructions [i.e., the walls of the city and the rabad (suburb), and the city gates and towers], as well as the quarters of medieval Samarqand.

The Fortress constructions

According to al-Istakhrī, in the 10th century Samarqand comPrised the citadel (al-qal‘a), the city (al-madīna), and the suburb (rabad) adjoining the city in the south (al-Istakhri: 316 –317). The main city and the citadel were situated on the site of the Afrasiab ruins, and the southern suburb was located on the site of the Samarqand in the time of Amīr Tīmūr. Such a triPartite division of the city continued through Pre-Islamic times, and the whole city with its suburb at that time was surrounded by the wall of rabad, the ruins of which are at Present known as Dīvār-i Qiyāmat. It is reckoned that in the 12th century the territory of the southern suburb was called “the city” (al-madīna), and the territory of the city with the citadel was called “the interior city” (al-madīna ad-dākhila). However, there is reason to believe that in the 9th–10th centuries the southern suburb was designated by both the terms rabad and“the exterior city” (al-madīna al-khārija), while the main city was called “the interior city”. According to Ibn al-Faqih, Samarqand included the interior city (comPrising 2500 square jarībs), the exterior city (2500 square jarībs), and the rabad (6000 square jarībs) (Ibn al-Fakih: 322 – 323). It is known that the medieval jarīb was not a uniform measure and in each Place had a unique size. We do not know the exact size of the medieval jarīb used in Samarqand in the 9th–10th centuries. There is one theory that “the interior city” of Ibn al-Faqih corresPonds to the Part of the Afrasiab ruins lying inside the second wall which is about 70 hectares, and “the exterior city” comPrises the southern Part of the ruins with an area of 140 hectares. On the basis of this, the size of the Samarqand jarīb was reckoned to be too small and only equivalent to 290 square meters, while the jarīb ordinarily should not be less than 900 square meters.[9]In our view, “the interior city” of Ibn al-Faqih corresPonded to the whole area of the Afrasiab ruins (218 hectares), while “the exterior city” corresPonded to the territory of the southern suburb. Such a conclusion follows from a comParison of the texts of the different versions of Ibn al-Faqih’s work: according to the text of the Mashhad manuscriPt, the city (al-madīna) of Samarqand, i.e., the whole territory of the Afrasiab ruins, occuPied 2500 square jarībs, and according to the text of the de Goeje edition, the same area was occuPied by “the interior city” of Samarqand.

Therefore, on the base of this data, we determined the size of the Samarqand jarīb to be 872 sq m, which is closer to the minimal size of the ordinary jarīb (900 sq m). If this sizeis used to determine the area of the rabad or “exterior city”, then it would have been the equivalent of 435 hectares (i.e., 872 m2× 5000 jarībs), and would corresPond, firstly, to the correlation of the area of “the interior city” and the rabid given by Ibn al-Faqīh as 2500 jarībs –5000 jarībs, and secondly, to the real size of the area of the southern suburb.

As for the other information Provided by Ibn al-Faqīh, it seriously contradicts the factual data we have and, more likely than not, did not corresPond to the reality of its time. Therefore, according to his data, the size of the area of the rest less the constructed Part of the rabad (5000 or 6000 jarībs) was in fact equal to area of the rabad (5000 jarībs). However, in reality, the area of the former was larger than the area of the latter by at least three or four times. The common size of the area, surrounded by the wall of rabad (12500 or 13500 jarībs), also did not corresPond to reality, because the area surrounded by Dīvār-i Qiyāmat would have been the equivalent of about 11000 hectares, which is in turn is several times larger than the real area given by Ibn al-Faqīh. From this data it follows that the area of the uninhabited Part of the rabad, like the entire area inside the wall of rabad, as Provided by Ibn al-Faqih, was incorrect.

In light of this, the information Provided by al-Nasafī is of great imPortance: he writes that the area surrounded by the wall of rabad was equivalent to 130,200 jarībs, i.e., ten times larger than the area mentioned by Ibn al-Faqīh. However, on the basis of the above mentioned data, it might be assumed, that the area Provided by al-Nasafī seems too exaggerated (Karev 2000: 213, n. 37.), but is, nevertheless, closer to the real area enclosed by the wall Dīvār-i Qiyāmat.

The data Provided by al-Nasafī is also interesting because it includes unique information on the construction of the wall (hā’it) of the rabad in Samarqand, undertaken during the rule of Abū Muslim.[10]This information of al-Nasafī significantly comPlements and clarifies the data of Ibn al-Faqih and was Probably borrowed from an unknown textual source.[11]According to his data, in 133/750 – 51 Abū Muslim entered Samarqand, and in 134/751 – 52 or 135/752 – 53 constructed the wall (hā’it) of Samarqand which surrounded 450 castles (jaиsaq). The height of the wall from ground level was equivalent to 15 elbows (dhirā‘), the Path – 7 elbows, and the circumference – 90 thousand elbows. It had 360 towers (bиrj), and between each of them were 250 embrasures or aPertures for marksmen (lit., “teeth”, qā’ima). The whole area inside the wall of Samarqand was equal to 13 000 200 jarībs (al-Nasafī: 224 –225, No. 565).

According to at-Tabarī, Abū Muslim built the wall of Samarqand in 134/751 – 52 (at-Tabarī III: 80). However, from the data of al-Nasafī follows that it was built after the murderof Ziyād ibn Sālih, the governor of Samarqand (al-Nasafī: 225, No. 565), who, according to at-Tabarī, revolted against Abū Muslim in 135/752-53 (at-Tabarī III: 82 – 83). There was one school of thought maintaining that this exterior wall, the remains of which are now known as Dīvār-i Qiyāmat, existed even in the 7th century and that Abū Muslim only restored it (Belenitskiy, Bentovich, Bol’shakov 1973: 222.). Subsequent research revealed, however, that the textual sources discussed not only the restoration of the old wall, but also the building of a new one (Karev 2000: 213). However, in the Persian Qandiya there is a direct indication that the citadel with the gates and the walls of the city was built by a certain Amīr Abū Nu‘mān, and that Abū Muslim built the city gates, the embrasures for the marksmen, and the towers (Kandiya: 242). On the base of this data, we can suPPose that Abū Muslim only carried out significant restoration work on the existing Pre-Islamic wall. He built new gates in it, embrasures, riflemen, and towers, and in some sections Probably constructed new walls enclosing more territory than the old walls. There is another view, maintaining that this wall was constructed for defense in case the Arab commander Ziyād ibn Sālih was not able to contain the offensive of the chinese army in the region of Tarāz (Belenitskiy, Bentovich, Bol’shakov 1973: 156, 222). However, the famous battle between the Muslim armies headed by Ziyād ibn Sālih and the chinese, as is known, occurred in 133/751 (Ibn el-Athir vol. 5: 449). consequently, this grandiose Project, which would have required the vast material and human resources not only of Samarqand, but of the whole of Soghd, was imPlemented only after that battle, and its organization was occasioned by other factors.

According to Ibn al-Faqīh, the circumference of this wall was equivalent to 12 farsakhs (i.e., about 70 km). As for al-Nasafī, he determined the circumference of the wall to be 90,000 elbows, which is aPProximately aPProximately 50 km. In addition to Ibn al-Faqīh, he also mentioned the height of the wall – fifteen elbows from the surface of the ground, which was hardly more than eight meters, and a width of seven elbows, what is equivalent to about four meters.

According to Ibn al-Faqīh, there were embrasures (qā’ima) and towers (bиrj) in the wall for waging war. Al-Nasafī clarified his data, and mentioned, that in all there were 360 towers at that wall, and between each of them there were 250 “teeth” (qā’ima), i.e., aPertures for marksmen or fighting Points for waging war.

The name Farikhshīd is mentioned in the historical work by al-Tabarī in connection with the battle between the Arabs and the Turks which occurred in 112/730-31, as a Place in the environs of Samarqand (at-Tabarī II: 1540). According to the data of the author of the Persian Qandiya, outside of the wall of the rabad there was a village named Farikhshīd, on the outskirts of which was situated the mausoleum of Khwaja ‘Abdi Bīrūn (Kandiya: 279). In the oPinion of O. G. Bolshakov, the second Part of the name Farikhshīd might be connected with the royal title of the Pre-Islamic rulers of Samarqand – the ikhshīds, who might have had their country estate not far from the watershed of the Shāwdar canal, which irrigated the whole region of Samarqand (Belenitskiy, Bentovich, Bol’shakov 1973: 226). The medieval village of Farikhshīd was situated on the site of the qishlaq Kauchinon located to the south of the wall Dīvār-i Qiyāmat (Kandiya: 279). The Farikhshīd gates, through which exited the caravan road to Kish, were located near the entrance of the Shāwdār canal which ran from the outside to the inside of the wall (Belenitskiy, Bentovich, Bol’shakov 1973: 226; Voyenno-toPograficheskaya karta: 1884).

The Quarters of Samarqand

Of the numerous city quarters (mahalla) of Samarqand[15]al-Nasafī mentioned the names of fifteen:

Among the abovementioned quarters, eight (namely Dawāwanak, Darwāzaja, Kayjandāq, Maghūdīza, Maydān, Tāhūna, Faghāfakh, and Shūkhnāk) are not cited in other known textual sources. Moreover, in the quarter Nahr al-Qassārīn, according to the data of al-Nasafī, there was a mosque situated in front of the khānaqāh, the shelter of Sūfī, and the quarter Bāb Nawand which was also named Farākhī (Ifrākhī) Amīr Nawand; these were also not mentioned in other textual sources.

The names of two quarters – Bāb Dastān and Darwāzaja - were connected with the city gates. The quarter Bāb Dastān, aPParently, existed even in Pre-Islamic times, because here was situated the house of the descendant of Ghūrak, the last rePresentative of the ikhshīd dynasty who were the Pre-Islamic rulers of Soghd, named Abū Ahmad ‘Abd al-‘Azīz ibn Muhammad ibn al-Marzubān ibn Turkash Baqī (Taqī) ibn Kashīr ibn Tarkhūn ibn Bānichūr (Kanādarank) ibn Ghūrak as-Samarqandī al-Bābdastānī (al-Nasafī: 292, No. 525; al-Nasafī, Arabe: 38R). He Probably lived in the house of his ancestors, situated in the Pre-Islamic Part of the city. consequently, this quarter should have been situated in the area of early medieval Samarqand, and the gate of the same name – in the wall of that city. However, in the wall of early medieval Samarqand there were only four gates, and none of that name among them. We can suPPose that the gate named Bāb Dastān was not big and was only used by Pedestrians, while the four main gates of Samarqand only afforded Passage for caravans. According to the data of al-Sam‘ānī, in the quarter Bāb Dastān was situated the ribāt al-Amīr, which we can identify as the khānaqāh al-Amīr Nizām ad-Dawla, mentioned in a waqf document of the 11th century written in Samarqand. The name of the gate Darwāzaja also suggests its small size, allowing us to suPPose that it was also only used by Pedestrians. In the 10th century there was a quarter of the same name in Bukhārā.

The quarter Farākhī (or Ifrākhī) Amīr Nawand was Probably also situated near the city gate of the same name, namely near the gate (bāb) Nawand, which was mentioned by al-Sam‘ānī (al-Sam‘ānī: 572V). However, there was no gate with such a name among the gates of the interior city, nor among the gates of the wall of the rabad. consequently, this gate was Probably also not big, and was used, like the gates Bāb Dastān and Darwāzaja, for the Passage of Pedestrians, or it is more likely, for the Passage of messengers, because the name Nawand in Fārsī means “messengers”. In the 12th century there was a street named Kū-yiNawand, i.e., “the street of messengers”, in Balkh (Akhmedov 1982: 18). On the way from the caPital of medieval Sagāniyān to Rasht was situated a small town named Nawand or Nawandak (Babur-name: 97, 308; Akhmedov 1982: 39), the latter being a diminutive form of the word nawand, i.e., “messengers” (Kamaliddinov 1996: 138 – 139). The names of all the above mentioned Places were Probably connected with Post messengers (nawand), who in the middle ages Played a very imPortant role in Providing communication services between different cities and who were connected directly with the caravan roads. The name of the quarter Farākhī (Ifrākhī) Amīr Nawand in Samarqand Probably also includes the name or nisba Farākhī (Ifrākhī), the user of which was “the amīr of messengers” as head of communication services of the Qarakhanid state. The name Nawand might also be comPared with the Present day canal called Nawadan in Samarqand, which may have been derived from Plural form Nawandān (meaning “messengers”). In this case, the Nawand quarter of Samarqand should have been situated somewhere in the vicinity of that canal.

The names of three quarters – Maghūdīza, Ushtābdīza, and Faghīdīza, have the comPonent dīza, which indicates that in Pre-Islamic times they were situated outside the old city and were suburban village settlements situated around the fortress or fortified castle of the landowner.[21]They were subsequently merged with the city and transformed into quarters, but their old names were Preserved, testifying to their origin from outside the city.[22]

The quarter Ushtābdīza, according to al-Nasafī, was situated not far from the wall of the city and near the quarter Bāb Dastān. The first comPonent in its name – иshtāb, Probably indicates that it was connected with the Buddhist religion. There are indications in textual sources of the sPread of Buddhism in Soghd in the early medieval Period[23], which is confirmed by data Provided by archaeological research.[24]

According to information Provided in the writings of Ibn al-Faqīh, in the 7th–8th centuries there was a temPle called Nawbahār in the environs of Balkh and its central cuPola was named al-Ashbāt. The size of that cuPola was aPProximately equivalent to 100 elbows, and there were circular galleries around its Perimeter. There were large flags installed at the toP of the cuPola (Ibn aj-Fakīh: 323 – 324). The name “al-Ashbāt” was Probably a distorted form of the word ushtāb, which was in turn the Arabized form of the Sanskrit word stиPa. There is a large unexcavated ruin situated near the Present day village of Nawbahār not far from the ruins of the medieval city of Balkh on the bank of the canal Jū-yi Qizil Rabāt, which flows out from the Balkhāb river. This is the remains of the main stuPa belonging to the early medieval temPle Nawbahār (Pugachenkova 1976: 148 – 149). There is some basis for suPPosing that in Pre-Islamic times there was a Buddhist temPle in Samarqand situated inthe quarter named Ushtābdīza, and its main stuPa lent its name to that quarter. It adjoined the quarter Bāb Dastān[25]and the wall of the city indirectly indicates that it was directly adjacent to the Pre-Islamic city, i.e., the ruins of Afrasiab.

It is suPPosed that the namāzgāh (Arab. al-mиsalla) of medieval Samarqand, i.e., the country mosque for celebratory Prayers, situated in the western Part of the Afrasiab ruins, was constructed on the site of a Buddhist temPle (behar)[26], after which was named the western gate of Samarqand – Bāb Nawbahār[27], situated in the southern corner of the western wall of the city (Vyatkin 1926: 12, 18). According to some data, the cathedral mosque of Samarqand of Pre-Mongol times, situated west of the citadel, was also built on the site of an “idolaters’temPle” (Kandiya: 150).

All the above data Provide evidence that a Buddhist cult center of early medieval Samarqand was located in the western or north-western Part of the Afrasiab ruins, and so there is reason to suPPose that Samarqand’s medieval quarter Ushtābdīza, which is mentioned in textual sources, was situated in the western Part of the Afrasiab ruins or in the adjacent rural land outside the city. In that area in Pre-Islamic times “idolaters”, i.e., Buddhists, Probably lived in close Proximity and had their Places of worshiP. After the Arab invasion its inhabitants accePted Islam, but traces of their former religion were Preserved in the name of the quarter where they lived.[28]

The Buddhists’ иshtāb (stuPa) was, however, more likely to have been situated at the site of the namāzgāh, because the cathedral mosque of medieval Samarqand was situated inside the city, and the quarter Ushtābdīza, judging by all available data, was situated outside of it. However, its eastern Perimeter might have been directly adjacent to the city wall and situated near the quarter Bāb Dastān.

The quarter Maghūdīza was Probably situated within the southern suburb of Samarqand.[29]The first comPonent of its name magh was Probably connected with the mags (or mиghs), as the local PeoPle called “the fire worshiPPers” (Zoroastrians). In Arabic textual sources they were termed al-majūs, which was the Arabized form of the word magиs. In the 12th century al-Sam‘ānī mentioned a street (sikka) in Samarqand called al-Majūs, i.e.,“the fire worshiPPers” (al-Sam‘ānī, vol. 10: 366). According to al-Istakhrī, the “Lead canal”, the large elevated aqueduct constructed above an arcade and covered with lead, entered the city from the south through the gates of Kish.[30]This intricate and exPensive irrigational construction was guarded all year round by the fire worshiPPers (al-majūs), for which duty they were exemPted from the Poll or soul tax (jizya) (al-Istakhrī: 316). The street which ran below the canal from its southern to northern side, where the fire worshiPPers lived[31],was named al-Majūs, what might be the Arabic calque of the local name of the quarter –Maghūdīza.

The quarter Warsanīn, which was also named Yārkath, was more likely situated in the area of the rabad near the gates of the same name, which according to al-Istakhrī were located in the wall of the rabad. The quarter’s alternate name contains the Sogdian comPonent kath, which means “fortress” or “fortified country settlement”.[32]The gates Warsanīn were located at the Place where the wall Dīvār-i Qiyāmat crossed the road running to Panjikent south-east of Samarqand (Belenitskiy, Bentovich, Bol’shakov 1973: 226). The quarter Warsanīn was located four kilometers east of the gates Fīrūza, situated in the wall of Tīmūrid times (Samarkandskiye dokumenti: 30), and south-east of the quarter Jākardīza in what is the territory of the Present day city. Here were situated the qishlāq Warsin and the hill named Tall-i Warsīn to the east of it (Belenitskiy, Bentovich, Bol’shakov 1973: 225). At the end of the 19th century there was another hill named Tall-i Warsīn or Tall-i Warzīn in the south of Samarqand. It had the form of a square and it was significantly larger than the former (Voyenno-toPograficheskaya karta 1884).

The quarter Ghātifar was situated near the beginning of the bridge Ghātifar, which sPanned the canal Nawadan. In the oPinion of V. L. Vyatkin, this quarter was situated on the western bank of the Nawadan canal, and adjoined the citadel of Tīmūrīd times on its northern side (Vyatkin 1902: 18). According to the data of O. D. chekhovich, it was situated on the eastern bank of the Nawadan canal, in the southern Part of the Afrasiab ruins , not far from Registan square (Samarkandskiye dokumenti: 394). The name of the bridge Ghātifar was Probably connected with the name of the leader of the HePhthalites – Ghātifar (Rtveladze, Sagdullayev 1986: 92), who was defeated in 563–567 during the battle with the Turks in Soghd (Trever, Yakubovskiy, Voronets 1950: 129). According to data in the Persian Qandiya, there was a tomb (māzār) of the Sacred Khwāja Ghātifar situated in the cemetery located near the bridge Ghātifar (Kandiya: 275).

In the quarter Dawāwanak or Ra’s Dawāwanak was situated a street named al-Muqātil, in which was the mosque where al-Nasafī Presented some lectures (al-Nasafī, Matla‘: 275 V). As we have mentioned above, al-Nasafī Probably lived in the quarter Māturid, which was situated in the northern suburb of Samarqand. consequently, the quarter Dawāwanak with the street and mosque named al-Muqātil should also have been situated not far from that quarter, i.e., in the northern Part of the Afrasiab ruins

The structure of the name of the quarter Kayjundāq is comPosed of three comPonents[33], constructed according to rules of word formation tyPical of the Turkic languages.[34]In themiddle comPonent of this name, we seem to be able to recognize the Arabic word jиnd, which means “army”. So, the word jиndāq might be translated as “small army”.

The quarter Nahr al-Qassārīn, judging by its name, was situated near the river or running water (nahr) where the artisans who bleached fabric (al-qassārīn) lived. In the 10th century there was a river of the same name which began in the Siyām mountains and flowed near the southern walls of medieval Kish[35], i.e., Present day Aqsudarya (Bartold 1963: 188). The quarter Nahr al-Qassārīn of Samarqand was mentioned only in textual sources of the 12th century; consequently, it is more likely that it was situated in the territory of the new city located in the southern suburb of early medieval Samarqand, i.e., the Afrasiab ruins, to where the city center had moved at that time. The river Nahr al-Qassārīn, near which the quarter of the artisans who bleached fabric was located, was Probably one of four channels which flowed through the southern suburb of medieval Samarqand.[36]These artisans, like those engaged in all other trades, would have gathered near the market (bāzār) where they could sell their Products and services. consequently, the quarter of these artisans would have been situated close to a stream of running water, but also not far from the market. Among all the canals of Samarqand the most suitable for this PurPose was the canal Muzāhin (Nawadan), which flowed not far from Registan square (Belenitskiy, Bentovich, Bol’shakov 1973: 221). In the 12th century in the same area was situated the largest center for the traders and artisans of Samarqand (Buryakov, Tashkhodjayev 1975: 10 – 12); among its numerous shoPs were the tīms, i.e., fabric trading centers, and covered trading stalls (saff) of the sellers of karbas fabrics (Mukminova 1976: 46). The bleachers were Probably also with them because of the connections between their Professional work.

The location of the quarter Tāhūna was Probably also connected with one of the canals of Samarqand, because its name (tāhūna) in Arabic means “mill”. It might be suPPosed that the inhabitants of that quarter were engaged in the Production of flour and baked bread for sale. consequently, this quarter should also have been situated not far from the market near Registan square, where in the 12th century among the numerous shoPs were sPecialist trading stalls of bakers (Khadr 1967: 317 – 318).[37]In that case the quarter was Probably also situated near Registan square not far from the canal Nawadan, or the canal which suPPlied water to the interior city of Samarqand, i.e., the Afrasiab ruins. At the end of the 19th century there three bread markets situated on banks of the canal at the north of Registan square and south of the Kish gates of Afrasiab (Voyenno-toPograficheskaya karta 1897). It is not out of the question that the markets had not changed their location over the centuries and had been situated in the same Place from medieval times.[38]

However, it is more Probable that the name of the quarter Tāhūna might have been connected not with starch mills, but with PaPer mills, i.e., mills used for the Production of PaPer (Habibullayev 1992: 60-78). It is known that Production of the famous Samarqand PaPer began in the middle of the 8th century (Mukminova 1964: 155-160), and for many centuries thereafter the entire Muslim world used high quality PaPer from Samarqand down to the middle of the 19th century (Mukminova 1976: 95-103). Just before the Russian invasion there were many PaPer mills and stores of materials used for PaPer Production situated on the banks of the drainage canals of Siyab, at the Place where Āb-i Mashhad flowed into it and in the vicinity of ‘Abdullah-khān bridge. The location of the PaPer mills was unique in Samarqand (Vyatkin 1902: 22). It is very Probable that the name Tāhūna was used in medieval times for this quarter where the houses and workshoPs of the artisans who Produced the famed Samarqand PaPer were situated.

The name of the quarter Faghāfakh might be comPared with the name of the Place Fanafakh, which was mentioned in the work of Abū Tāhir Khwāja. The latter toPonym is, in turn, regarded as a distortion of Fanak, the medieval name of the gate of the rabad mentioned by al-Istakhrī and Ibn Hawqal and located in the south-east of Samarqand (Belenitskiy, Bentovich, Bol’shakov 1973: 225-226).

The quarters Maydān and Shūkhnāk were situated not far from each other near the cathedral mosque. The cathedral mosque of Samarqand of Pre-Mongolian times was situated in the northern Part of the Afrasiab ruins and south of the Bukhārā (Northern) gates, at a distance of 6-7 m from the citadel, from which it was seParated by a road (Buryakov, Tashkhodjayev 1975: 11-12). There was a large trading and artisans’ center near the cathedral mosque;[39]the Predominant sPecialization of the artisans of that center was iron working and ironmongery (Shishkina 1975: 34). We think that the quarter Maydān, the name of which in Arabic means “square”, was situated in the vicinity of that area, because large oPen squares were one of the main features of medieval city markets. In the same district not far from the market, the quarter Shūkhnāk should also have been situated.

Thus, the information Provided by Abū Hafs al-Nasafī in his al-Qand fī dhikr ‘иlamā’Samarqand on the fortress constructions and quarters of medieval Samarqand significantly suPPlement and elaborate data in other medieval sources and widen our knowledge in this field. The work of al-Nasafī includes more rich materials on the historical toPograPhy of medieval Samarqand, which still await researchers. The study of these materials and their scientific aPPlication are sPecific tasks for the historical geograPhy of central Asia.

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NOTES

[1] It was clarified, that the Istanbul manuscriPt is a Part of the original coPy of the work of al-Nasafī, which was transcribed by the hand of Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Jalīl al-Samarqandī, and the Paris manuscriPt is a Part of the abridged version, comPosed by the same Person (Paul 1993: 73).

[2] Although the Paris manuscriPt is the abridged version of the work of al-Nasafī, comPosed by Muhammad ibn‘Abd al-Jalīl al-Samarqandī, it includes some Parts which are absent in the fragment of the original comPlete coPy, i.e., in the Istanbul manuscriPt (Paul 1993: 74).

[3] The Tehran edition made by Iraj Afshar on the basis of the Samarkand lithograPhic edition (Story 1972, t. 2, P. 1114-1115).

[4] The total length of the wall, which surrounded Samarqand with all its environs, was equal to about 40 km (Belenitskiy, Bentovich, Bol’shakov 1973: 228).

[5] About him, see: Islam: 161.

[6] At Present the name Matirid (Motrid) is Preserved as a name of the center of the kishlak Bagibaland, situated in the distance of 8 km from Ulugbek, the administrative center of the Samarqand region of the Samarqand vilayat (Uzbekskaya SSR: 78, 268).

[7] In Arabic textual sources of the 9th–10th centuries the term bāb (Pl. abwāb) is usually used for the gates ofinterior cities. But sometimes this term might also refer to the gates of the wall of the rabad.

[8] In the 10th century there were four gates in the wall of the interior city of Samarqand named: Bāb al-Kabīr, Bāb al-Sīn, Bāb al-Bиkhāriya, Bāb al-Nawbahār (al-Istakhri, Ibn Hawqal), or Bāb Kish, Bāb al-Sīn, Bāb Usrūshana, Bāb al-Hadīd (Ibn al-Faqih).

[9] The size of jarīb in different Places of central Asia in different times was various and ranged between 900 and 3000 sq m (Davidovich 1970: 122-130).

[10] Abū Muslim ‘Abd al-Rahmān ibn Muslim ibn Shanfīr-rūz al-Marwazī al-Khurāsānī – the head of the‘Abbasid movement in Khurāsān (128 – 131/745 – 748), the military commander of the ‘Abbāsīds and amīr of Khurāsān uP to 137/755, when he was murdered by the order of the caliPh al-Mansūr.

[11] This unknown source might be The History of Samarqand of Abū Sa‘d ‘Abd al-Rahmān ibn Muhammad al-Idrīsī (died 405/1015), which in turn borrowed his information from another unknown textual source.

[12] In Arabic sources the term darb (Pl. dиrūb) was used for the gates of the rabad. The same term also signified the roads which exited through the gates on the caravan routes running to other cities.

[13] According to al-Istakhrī, there were nine gates in the wall of the rabad of Samarqand: Afshīna, Kūhak, Warsnīn, Fanak, Rīwdad, Farиkhshid, Ghиdāwad, Isbisk and Sūkhashin (al-Istakhrī: 316-317); al-Muqaddasi mentioned eight gates, which on the whole agreed with the list of al-Istakhrī excePt for the gates Fanak, which he did not mention (al-Moqaddasi: 278); according to Ibn al-Faqih, there were twelve gates in the wall of the rabad, but he did not mention their names (Ibn al-Fakih: 322).

[15] In the sources of the 9th–early 13th centuries the term mahalla was used for the quarters of Samarqand situated both inside the city and outside of it in the suburbs (Kurennoy 1970: 62-63). In the later medieval sources the term mahalla used only for the quarters situated in the suburb, and oPPosed to the term balda (i.e., the town). The mahallat of medieval Samarqand were situated between the ancient city walls and the exterior fortress walls (Mukminova 1966: 79).

[16] In a waqf document of the 11th century there is mention of ‘Ākhira, which should Probably be read as Ghātifar. It is mentioned that here was situated the market of Samarqandian Sogd (Khadr 1967: 326).

[17] The name Darwāzaja in Fārsī means “small gate”. In medieval Bukhara there was also a gate (bāb) named Darwāzaja; there was a market (sūq) of the same name nearby, not far from the Samarqand gate (see: al-Istakhrī: 309). The quarter Darwāzaja of Samarqand was Probably situated near the gate of the same name gate, which was situated in the wall of the interior city and was only for Pedestrians.

[18] In the Persian Qandiya the form Ma‘ūdīza is given, but in our view this is a coPyist’s mistake because theletter ‘ayn does not exist in Sogdian or Old Turkic (Kandiya: 264).

[19] In another Place in the same work al-Nasafī mentioned the street (sikka) Amīr Nawand (al-Nasafī: 275, No. 480).

[20] In addition to these quarters, al-Nasafī also mentioned some nisba formed on the basis of names of Samarqand’s quarters, which are known from other textual sources. They are, for instance, the nisba al-Bābkissī, which was formed from the name of the quarter Bāb Kiss (al-Nasafī: 523-524, No. 972), and the nisba al-Ghanjarakī, which was formed from the name of the quarter Ghanjarak in Samarqand. One of the carriers of the last nisba lived in the street Ibn Nukrān (al-Nasafī: 45-46, No. 49), and the second listened to lectures in the madrasah Dār al-Jūzjāniyya (al-Nasafī: 37, No. 33).

[21] The Presence of the Sogdian toPoformant diz or dīza, which means “the castle”, the fortress” or “fortified settlement”, indicates that in Pre-Islamic times these fortresses with the settlements were the centers of the seParate Private land ProPerties, which were headed by so-called kadiwars, i.e., small dihqāns, who were occuPied the less low degree in the hierarchy of the local aristocracy (Dresvyanskaya 1985: 29).

[22] There were in medieval Samarqand of Pre-Mongol times also three quarters and streets, the names of which have the Sogdian comPonent dīza: Sangdīza, Jākardīza and Kushāndīza; the first two of them were situated outside the city walls of early medieval times.

[23] There is evidence in chinese official chronicles and in the accounts of the Buddhist Pilgrims Xuanzang and Huichao of Buddhist worshiP in Samarqand in the 7th–early 8th centuries (Vostochniy Turkestan: 436-438). A Sogdian document (B–7 V) of the early 8th century from Mount Mugh mentions a Buddhist monk (sraman) (Ishoqov 1992: 55, 57).

[24] In the Sanzar valley (vilayat of Djizak) was found the remains of a temPle of the 1st-3rd centuries; there were large bronze statues of the Buddha surrounded by bronze figures of seated lions (Litvinskiy 1975: 191-198). In the ruins of Sariq-tePa, situated in the Yakkabagh region (vilayat of Qashqadarya), were found clay and ceramic (terracota) tiles with images of the Buddha (Lunina, Usmanova 1990: 65-67).

[25] The existence of the term bāb (the gates of the interior city) in the body of this name indicates its connection with the interior city and its Probable location there.

[26] This term is derived from the Sanskrit word vihara, which means “Place of worshiP” (Bartold 1963a: 215).

[27] The great Buddhist monastery situated in the environs of Balkh was also named Nawbahār (nava vihara– the new monastery); in early medieval times it was the largest Buddhist cult center in Tokharistan (Kamaliddinov 1996: 303-308).

[28] In a waqf document of the 15th century is mentioned the quarter Daha-yi Hinduwān, which was situated in the south-eastern suburb of Samarqand (Samarkandskiye dokumenti: 191, 398). Its name indicates that in Pre-Islamic times it was inhabited by PeoPle of Indian origin. However, there is no definite mention in textual sources of the existence of Buddhist religious buildings there.

[29] If it was situated in the northern suburb, its name should be mentioned in later medieval textual sources as a village (as, for instance, Māturid or Sangdīza). In the west of the old city was situated the quarter of idol worshiPPers (see below), and in the east – the Kūhak mountain (Present chuPan-ata). consequently, the quarter Maghūdīza was Probably situated in the southern suburb of Samarqand.

[30] This canal, which in the 12th century was named “Lead Flow” (jū-yi arzīz), was an extension of the canal used for the irrigation of shahristān (Kandiya: 252, 265, 287).

[31] The fire worshiPPers were Probably the inhabitants of the quarter adjacent to the canal; otherwise it would be difficult to exPlain the reason why the Muslim authorities entrusted “Pagans” with such a resPonsible mission, which had great imPortance for the everyday life of the entire city.

[32] The existence of the Sogdian toPoformant kath in the name Yārkath suggests that in Pre-Islamic times the quarter was a fortified settlement which was the center of the seParate land owner’s ProPerty (Kamaliddinov 1996: 63).

[33] This word comPrises three comPonents: kay (Prefix), jиnd (stem) and –aq (ending).

[34] There are many words in Turkic languages, formed with the ending –aq (-иq, -iq, -q) (Drevnetyurkskiy slovar: 660), such as argиmchaq, kogиrchaq, qizgaldaq, chaqalaq, bogиrsaq, chaqmaq etc.

[35] The southern gates of Kish were named Bāb al-Qassārīn, i.e., the gates of the bleachers (Ibn Haukal: 501).

[36] Water entered the city of Samarqand from the south, after which it Passed into four canals – Jākardīza, Muzāhin (Nawadan), Iskandargam and Sangrasān (Sangdīza); each of them in turn seParated into two canals (Kandiya: 287-288).

[37] The shoPs of bakers were mentioned also in the waqf dokument of the 16th century, according to which the bakery (dиkkān nānwāy) was located in the bāzār of Muhammad chaP situated between the madrasah of Shaybānī-khān and the gates of Āhanīn, to the south of the Siyab canal (Samarkandskiye dokumenti: 315, 388).

[38] According to PoPular suPerstition, the transfer of the markets to other Places was regarded as a bad omen, which Presaged nothing good. Therefore, the old markets in central Asia usually did not change location and through many centuries were located in the same Place.

[39] Another trading and artisan center was situated in the southern suburb of medieval Samarqand, which was later transferred to the city center. It was situated directly south of the Kish gate not far from Registan square and comPrised several sPecialist markets, such as trading stalls (saff) of textile Producers, the Tīms of woven rugs, the money changers, as well as the quarters of jewelers, Potters, and bakers of bread (Buryakova, Buryakov 1973: 218-219; Khadr 1967: 317-318).