MORTALITY AND FAME IN AKKADIAN TEXTS

Michela Piccin

IHAC, NENU, Changchun

“L’homme n’est qu’un roseau, le plus faible de la nature; mais c’est un roseau pensant.Il ne faut pas que l’univers entier s’arme pour l’écraser:une vapeur, une goutte d’eau, suffit pour le tuer.”

(Pascal, Pensées, 1670 – fragment 347)

1. Introduction1 Near Eastern abbreviations follow the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary and the Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie, while the classical ones follow the Oxford Classical Dictionary.

Death, mankind’s unavoidable destiny, has been considered by humans from all eras and in all places, and our discomfort in dealing with death and dying connects us across historical and geographical divides.2The title follows that of the chapter X in the volume by West 2007, focusing on the Akkadian context.Following the example set by anthropologists, scholars in other fields have begun to realize the importance of studying the reactions of different civilizations to the eternal problem of death, both verbally and nonverbally. Among the classic studies on the subject, the work of Robert Hertz and Ernesto De Martino merits special mention.3Hertz 1907; De Martino 1958.

With regard to death and the “afterlife” in Mesopotamia, there is an abundance of secondary literature. Reference should be made to a few detailed studies on the subject of death,4Chiodi 1994; Katz 2003; van der Stede 2007.as well as to miscellaneous studies on death.5Alster 1980; Laneri 2007; Berlejung and Janowski 2009; Durand, Römer and Hutzli 2012; Mouton and Patrier 2014.

In the specific case of the study of linguistic features relating to death, however,Assyriology tends to offer less developed analyses than other disciplines6The choice of citing the studies in footnotes 7, 8, 9 is related to the very different but complementary approaches and research ideas.(such as Classics,7See Griffin 1985, Giannakis 1998 and 2001 – also with an Indo-European standpoint – Garland 2001, Mirto 2012, and Pellucchi 2013. I thank Matylda Amat Obryk for advising me on her monograph (Obryk 2012), and for bringing to my attention two valuable articles: Opelt 1966, and Henrichs 1991. I would also like to thank Irene Berti for providing me with her bibliography on the topic, especially the article by Voutiras 1999, and the miscellaneous volume by De Martino and Sommerstein 1999.Ancient Semitic languages,8Euphemisms concerning death in Biblical Hebrew are very productive, see Noegel 2013, and in the use of cognate languages, Anbar 1979, Held 1987, Marcus 1980, Paul 1994, Sanders 2012 and Schorch 1999 are also very fruitful.modern languages,9I only propose noting some significant studies on modern languages. Concerning English, see the detailed work of Allan-Burridge 1991 and 2006; on French, see Nyrop 1914 which, albeit dated,presents a complete discussion; and on Arabic see Al-Abed Al-Haq and Bani Mofarrej 2015, Farghal 1995 and 2007.etc.) due to its relative youth and the immeasurable number of sources as yet not entirely translated and edited.

Consequently, this article hopes to begin bridging this gap by reflecting on the applicability of the concept of the “taboo” of death to discourse within the Akkadian world.10Landsberger 1929, 294–321.When faced with death, language users attempt to soften the effects of its argument,11An effective tool for coping with death is silence. This is the strongest evidence of the interdictory power of taboo, and can act as the only escape if the taboo is more powerful than any verbal mitigation. Silence is occasionally associated with paralinguistic elements, such as gestures. This is the case with the Chinese gesture of clenching the hands and throwing the head slightly back: Gross 1985, 204.and thus resort to linguistic interdiction.12A discussion of the concept of linguistic interdiction (not only in relation to death) and its underlying linguistic dynamics is to be found in Cardona 2006, 122–128.Recalling Giorgio Raimondo Cardona’s words, linguistic interdiction is the attribution of dangerousness, sacredness or unpleasantness to expressions or words, to the degree that one cannot state them out loud.13Just think about European culture. Until recently, there were three main types of interdictions:God’s name, serious events (illnesses, death, misfortunes), and bodily (sexual and execrative)functions.

The term “linguistic interdiction” will be used in this article – though it should be noted that this terminology is controversial. Some insist that the word “taboo”refers to a prohibition on objects, people, and places that are considered sacred or contaminated (whether impure or potentially dangerous), and that “taboo” should be replaced by the word “euphemism;”14On ancient and modern euphemisms, see Benveniste 1949.others reserve the concept of taboo for religious interdiction, in accordance with the original meaning of the term.15Derived from the Polynesian languages of Australia, the term was recorded for the first time by explorer J. Cook in 1777 during a trip to Tonga. The term entered the English language (taboo,tabooed) with the meaning of “forbidden.”

Given my theme, I can make use of written sources only.16Many of the Akkadian sources associated with death and the underworld are translated, for example, in Pettinato 2003 and Mander 2005, with reference to textual editions.It should be expected that these are themselves not without hermeneutical problems, of various forms. It is also worth noting that the first recognition of these materials was made on the basis of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary,17The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of Chicago (CAD 1956–2010).then expanded to other contexts, though I will not divide these into periods. It could be argued that I am making a bundle out of many herbs, but the current state of evidence, as well as the surprising continuity of the idiomatic Akkadian language (particularly the Babylonian), justifies this approach.18I hope that future studies with multiple sources at hand can provide a more differentiated framework.

2. The problem of imagery

Before delving into the varied expressions related to death, we must first tackle a basic problem that underlies any attempt to understand how Akkadian culture reacted to death: the uncertainty surrounding whether to read their words literally or figuratively.19Concerning this, see Veenhof 1987, 41–75; Wilcke 1987, 77–102.For instance, we can cite two examples taken, respectively, from an Old-Babylonian omen and a literary text (c. 1300 BC) from the Levant:

[1] amēlu šū ana qāti mūtim paqid20Köcher and Oppenheim 1957–1958, 65, II, l. 13.

This man has been entrusted to the “hand” of death

[2] ultu pī mūti īkimanni21Nougayrol 1968, 268, l. 40.

He rescued me from the “mouth” of death

In both cases, we may naturally ask whether the texts refer concretely to the“hand” and the “mouth” of death, or if these words are used figuratively. Indeed,the Akkadian language uses both these terms in many idioms, often concerning entities that have neither hands nor mouths, with a broad range of meanings (for example, “mouth” for a city’s entrance – see note 21). Consequently, it is hard to say whether the above examples are anthropomorphically expressing ideas of death,22Some examples from AHw and CAD: ina qāt mušēniqtim imtūt: “(If a child) died in custody (lit. “in the hand”) of a nurse” (Borger 1979, 37 = CH § 194: 27); awīlû ul ša qātika: “are the men not under your control?” (AbB 5 127: 11); ina pī Sippar: “to the entrance of Sippar” CT 4 39b: 11 (Bu. 88-8-12, 604); šūram ina pī Arahtum: “The reeds at the mouth of the Arahtum” (AbB 1 52: 13). A detailed discussion of the metaphorical use of body parts in Akkadian and Hebrew can be read in Dhorme 1923. In addition, for a more recent discussion centred on Hebrew, see Noegel 2011, 509–531.or – as we do not see a clear mention of death personified in the sources– that these are figurative expressions.

This problem assumes vast dimensions when we try to understand how the characters in our sources conceive of the phenomenon of death. For example,from the words “follow the path towards the ‘Hereafter’” (§ 4.1), can we conclude that the speaker believes the deceased will walk to the afterlife? Or does it instead refer to old traditions, as is the case when we say “go to hell!,”where neither the speaker nor the listener believe in hell, but both understand the reference?23The wagons and boats found in tombs are intended to facilitate the otherworldly journey. With regard to wagons, see Bottéro 1987, 68, n. 90, and for boats, see Meyer 2001, 267–283.

3. The Scurlock Hypothesis

One of the few academics24Outside of the Assyriological context, in a book discussing the Indo-European poetry tradition, a summary can be found in West 2007, 375–410.to discuss the importance of the concept of the taboo concerning death in the Akkadian world is the American scholar Jo Ann Scurlock:

“To speak of death was to summon it, and hence the need for a host of euphemisms: ‘to cross the Khubur’; ‘to go up / towards heaven’ (said only of kings of the Third Dynasty); ‘to go to one’s fate’; ‘to be invited by one’s gods’; ‘to come to / land on / reach / take refuge in one’s mountain’; ‘to go on the road of one’s forefathers’.”25Scurlock 1995, 1893.

Scurlock explains that the many circumlocutions related to death in Akkadian reflect what we might call the Cardona linguistic interdiction. In this paper, I will discuss this point of view, calling it the “Scurlock Hypothesis.”

4. Overview of locutions

In this section, I collect a representative sample of expressions which, although they relate to the broad concept of death, do not directly use the Akkadian words mūtu, “death,” or mâtu, “to die.” Scurlock would assert that these phrases are euphemisms that serve to circumvent the taboo of death. In the following sections, I will assess whether this is indeed their function.

For greater clarity, I have divided the subject into two subsections: the first includes expressions which reference stages of the “otherworldly” trip (roads,rivers, mountains, etc.); the second discusses more abstract expressions (to “go to the destiny,” to “be invited by gods,” to “sleep”).

4.1. Expressions referencing stages of the “otherworldly” journey

At present, from the available sources, we cannot clearly reconstruct the imaginary, “otherworldly” geography of Akkadian culture (even bearing in mind that there could be variations). However, the documentary material does allow us to discern some details of the path towards the “afterlife,” comprising of: 1) a road to follow, said to be “of no return,”26Outside of the Akkadian literature, we can find similar ideas, for example in Catull. 1.3: unde negant redire quemquam; Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act 3, Scene 1: “the undiscovered country from whose bourn no traveller returns.”which is in some instances parallel to a river; 2) a river to cross; 3) the gates to access an “otherworldly” world.27Horowitz 1998, esp. 268–295 and Geller 1997, 41–49.

4.1.1. Road (harrānum, urhum)

Although the road to the underworld is mentioned in numerous texts, its path is not clear. In some cases it leads directly to the “otherworldly” gates, while in others it ends at the river of the underworld.28See Horowitz 1998, 353–355.Below are examples:

[3] ana harrāni ša alaktaša lā tayyārat

On the road whose path of not coming

(Descent of Ištar, l. 6)29Lapinkivi 2010, 35. The Descent of Ištar to the Underworld, along with the corresponding Sumerian text, allows us, albeit with divergences dictated by the different cultural substrate, to have a detailed picture of the kingdom of the dead. For an opposing analysis on the narrative structure of the two poems, see Evers 1995, precisely, ch. 6.

[4] uruhšu ana eret lā târi šuhmuat

His way to the land of no return has been accelerated

(Neo-Assyrian ritual, from Sultantepe)30STT, 73, I 35. See also Butler 1998, 349–377.

[5] ištu ūm imlû ibatu uruh šīmti

From the day he completed (his existence) he took the road of destiny

(Stele of Nabonidus, 555–539 BC)31Schaudig 2001, 517, IV, ll. 34–37; VAB = 4, 276, IV 34–36.

[6] nadnūma abbūni illikū uruh mūti nār hubur ibbirū qabû ultu ulla32BWL 70, 16–17.

Our fathers were handed over, walked down the path of death,crossing the River Hubur, (as) they say always

(Babylonian Theodicy, dating back to 1000 BC)33An acrostic, in which there are two parties: a sufferer, describing the injustices of society to his contemporary, and a friend who tries to connect these facts to divine justice. For more information,see Lambert 1960, 64–67.

In this context, moreover, it is not clear whether the “proverbial quotes” should be applied only to hubur ibbirū “Cross(ing) the River Hubur,” or even to one or more parts of the previous verse.34I thank Martin Worthington, who noted that this last example is particularly significant in relation to § 2, as the assignment of an expression in a quasi-proverbial tradition (“they say...”) suggests that for the speaker, the expression was not intended literally.

4.1.2. The river Hubur

As attested in example 6 above, one of the expressions used in Akkadian to communicate the concept of death is “to cross the Hubur,”35The presence of a river in the “Underworld” is documented in both the Akkadian and in the Sumerian traditions. More information about the Sumerian tradition can be found in Chiodi 1994,419–432, and more about the Akkadian tradition in Van der Stede 2007, 80–84. Among scholars,there is no consensus about the existence or otherwise of a connection between the river of the netherworld, Hubur, and a namesake river which exists geographically, the Khabur. About this, see Röllig 1972–1975, 530–535.the river of the underworld.

[7] Šamaš ša attā tīde anāku lā īdû ittialam abīyaubur lībir36KAR 178 ob. VI 51. See also Livingstone 2013, 103–159.

O Šamaš may what you know, but I know not, cross theubur river together with the image of my father!

(Hemerological text, Neo-Assyrian period)[8] Namtar sukkal eretim piqissunūti itti Anunnakī abulla līrubū-ma a[y itūrū]

ubur līrubū-ma37West 1997, 158, n. 239 notes that līrubū, “may enter,” could be a corruption of lībirū, “may pass through.”ay issahr[ū]bāb kamūti līrubū […] ay innamr[ū]38TuL 128: 5’–8’ = (LKA, 90, 19–22). This is also available online: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/cmawro/pager (15.12.2017).

Entrust the[m] to Namtar, the vizier of the netherworld! Together with the Anunnaki, let them enter through the gate (of the netherworld), so that they cannot [turn back], let them cross (var.: enter) the riverubur, so that they canno[t t]urn ba[ck], let them enter through the outer gates, [so that] they can[not turn back to] the upper world!

(Ritual text, Neo-Assyrian period)

4.1.3. Mountain (šadû)

One could also reach the realm of the dead through the far mountains.39Katz 2003, 105–112.Not surprisingly, a paraphrase for “dying” is šadâšu emēdu – very literally meaning “to take refuge in his mountains.”

[9] ana ruqqi qabal tâmti(m) innabitma šaddâšu ēmid40According to RINAP 3/1, 16 III 1–2. This is also available online: http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/rinap/rinap3/corpus (15.12.2017).

He fled afar into the midst of the sea and disappeared

(Annals of Sennacherib, Neo-Assyrian period)

Given the existence of similar idioms that seem to mean “disappear,” it is likely that the meaning of “death” from šadâšu emēdu in turn results from the“intermediate” meaning of “disappear.”41It must be said that such an expression, always meaning death, also appears in Sumerian. For example: hur.sag e11.dè ba.nú ur5 nu.mu.e.[da.an.zi.zi]/giš nú.nam.tar.ra.ka ba.nú ur5 nu.mu.e.da.an.zi.zi, “He (Gilgameš) lies ‘climbing the mountain,’ he cannot [rise]. He lies on the bed of destiny,he cannot rise.” For more information on this, see Kramer 1944, 7. For a different translation, see Cavigneaux and Al-Rawi 2000, 55.These idioms are:

tubqāti emēdu, literally “to go into enclosures” (Erra I, 17)42Cagni 1969, 59.

šahāti emēdu, literally “to go into the corners” (Ludlul I, 91)43Lambert 1960, 34–35, 283 (note on line I 43).

4.2. More abstract expressions

In addition to the expressions above, which express “death” through reference to the stages of the “otherworldly” journey, there are others still more abstract in nature.

4.2.1. Invitation of the gods (qerûm)

The verb qerûm means “to invite.” In reference to the gods, the term can become a euphemism for the concept of death:

[10] adi PN balu PN2ha-da-šu [u] dikûssu illak [iš]tu PN ilūšu iqterû PN2ana hadîm u dikûtim ul awāssu

As long as PN is alive, PN2(his son) will perform his hadû (?) and corvée for him; after his god has “invited” PN, PN2will not have to worry about hadû and corvée

(Legal text, Old-Babylonian period)44CT 45, 16 ob. 5.

It is unclear whether, in such cases, the meaning is “to invite” or “to carry on.”In contexts unrelated to death, “to lead away” is attested only in confounding statements. However, this hypothesis finds support in expressions where tarû and wabālu appear, meaning to “take away:”

[11] adi balat ittanaššīšima ūm šīmātūša itarrâši PN2...45UCP 10 (173) No. 105, 5–9. See also Greengus 1986, 168–169.

As long as she (PN2) lives, she (the maid) will support her (lit. “carry her”); the day when her fates lead her away, PN2...

(Old-Babylonian maintenance agreement of the II mill. BC)

[12] kīma abu aššassu šīmti ubbil aššatu arkīti ītahzuma

When (his) father, fate having taken away his wife, married a second wife...46SPAW 1889, 826, III, 16–18, pl. 7.

(Neo-Babylonian legal text)

4.2.2. Go to one’s destiny (šīmtu)

As already mentioned in examples 11 and 12, it is possible that allusions to the concept of death are made by use of the word šīmtu, literally “fate,”47The Akkadian term is related to the root “to fix, determine.” The Sumerian term is nam-tar, “that which is cut,” a clear reference to the cut at birth. There is more information about the concept of destiny in Mesopotamia, especially in relation to the sources of the first millennium, in Lawson 1994.but here the meaning is the fulfilment of a character’s destiny: “death.” In particular, the idea of “going to the fate” (ana / ina / arki šīmti alāku) is often used:

[13] warka abum ana šīmtim ittallaku

After the father has gone to (his) fate48Borger 1979, 35, CH § 178, 76–78.

(Code of Hammurabi, 1792–1750 BC)

[14] abūka ana šīmāti illaka

Your father will go to the destinies49KBo. 1(10), 11.

(Letter from Hattusili III, 1267–1237 BC)

[15] arki abu ana šīmtu ittalku

After the father went to fate50SPAW 1889, 828, V 17–18, pl. 7.

(Neo-Babylonian legal text)

4.2.3. The sphere of sleep

Another source of imagery and expressions alluding to death is sleep.51The sleep-death nexus can also be recovered from funerary inscriptions. In them, the deceased is defined as “asleep” and his dwelling is a “place to sleep,” “home of peace / the rest,” “eternal home”(bīt salāli / qūlti / tašuhti / šubat darâti). See Bottéro 1980, 28 and 36 and especially Bottéro 1982. In addition, from another perspective, see Cooper 1992, 19–33.The analogy52Death as sleep is also a biblical euphemism: some expressions are“to lie down” (Isa. 14.8),“to sleep” (Jer. 51.39),“to slumber” (Nah. 3.18),“to rest” (Prov. 21.16).is based on our common experience: confronted with a person who is sleeping deeply, almost “buried” by sleep, have not we all been concerned about whether the slumbering one is dead?

One of the most significant texts for the sleep-death nexus is the Epic of Gilgameš. For example, consider the passage in which the god Šamaš looks at the future of Enkidu, who is about to die:

[16] eninna-ma Gilgameš ibri talīmēka ušnâlka-ma ina mayyāli rabî[in]a mayyāl taknî ušnâlka-ma ušeššebka šubta nēhta šubat šumēli Now Gilgameš, your friend-companion,will lay you on a big bed,on a bed of solicitude he will lay you out,he will cause you to dwell in a place of peace, a place to the left(Gilg. VII 139–142)53George 2003, 640–641.And also:

[17] gana ē tattīl 6 urrī u 7 mūšatī(Try to) do not sleep for six days and seven nights(Gilg. XI 209)54Ibid., 716–717.

5. The idiomatic appearance

The idiomatic phrases presented in § 4 are most likely not the ad hoc creations of their speakers, but instances of idioms commonly spoken, and therefore widely known.55In the same vein, outside the Akkadian context, see Fernando 1996, and Lurati 2001 and 2002.On the one hand, this makes them more representative of Akkadian thought; but on the other, given that common idioms often transcend their literal meaning, it reinforces the problem of interpreting the literal and the figurative that was discussed in § 2.56An idiomatic expression generally indicates a conventional expression that is characterized by the combination of a fixed signifier (little or nothing at all modifiable) with a non-compositional meaning Casadei 1994, 61; 1995, 335; Cacciari and Glucksberg 1995, 43.

6. Considerations in favour of the Scurlock Hypothesis

In support of the Scurlock Hypothesis, namely that speakers in Akkadian tended to avoid mentioning death openly, preferring to allude, one could advance several considerations a priori. First, one could argue that escaping death is the leitmotif at the heart of the Epic of Gilgameš.57Foster 2001; Saporetti 2003, 14–15.First, Gilgameš seeks immortality of his name through the great challenges he faces.58For the ancient Mesopotamians, above all, fame meant a good name that would last forever. For more about names in Mesopotamia, see Zgoll 2003, 1–11; Radner 2005; Worthington 2011, 402–421,and Corfù 2015, 165–182. In Ancient Greek, one’s fame is inseparable from one’s name: (Od. 9.564; 19.183).Later, after the death of Enkidu,he seeks to achieve it in full, to become like the immortal Ut-napišti. Finally, if Gilgameš himself is the subject of šakin in I 10,59George 2003, 538–539.he returns to seek immortality through fame, handing down his own adventures in writing.

While heroic deeds, written texts and offspring60“Magic” herbs (šammu in Gilgameš) might be another way to cope with death. All four of these tricks for immortality (to recap: 1) heroic feats; 2) written texts; 3) offspring; and 4) “magic” herbs)are also used in the Indo-European world. In particular, premature and natural deaths are linked to Indo-European roots *nek- *mer-, and then brought back to nectar and ambrosia; two drinks which,according to Greek literature, “defeated” death. The etymology is, however, very uncertain. Levin and Griffith think it is a Semitic and Egyptian loan linked to the embalming of corpses. For more information on this etymology, see Watkins 1995, 391–397 and 488–492.can certainly act to counter human frailty, they do not alter it.61Bottéro 1980, 25.Although the Sumerian tradition holds that Gilgameš had a son (Ur-Nungal),62Jacobsen 1939, 85.in the Epic there is no mention of his children(only his wives appear, very briefly, in III 10).63In Akkadian šumu “name” has the extended meaning “offspring” only in limited contexts, primarily that of curses. This allows to draw the following correlation: šumu = name ～ offspring.Perhaps it must be inferred that the Gilgameš Epic abandoned the attempt to live on through descendants,increasing the tragic tone of the work. If this was the intention, the theme of“escape from death” would be emphasized, even if it was unsuccessful.64I leave, as a starting point for future research, the rather interesting idea that the Gilgameš Epic is a foray into understanding kingship without descendants.

7. Evidence to the contrary, or reasonable exceptions?

The weakness of the Scurlock Hypothesis is that the Akkadian texts abound with explicit references to death and dying, and there are even long poetic passages on the subject. This would seem to refute Scurlock’s thesis; however, a more complex perspective is required. In many excerpts which address death explicitly,there are factors which uphold the taboo: 1) the exception of the speaker; 2)context; 3) tradition; 4) the death being viewed favourably, as it is desired of enemies; or 5) it has already happened.

7.1. The exception of the speaker

One example of a long meditation on death can be found in the Gilgameš Epic:

[18] amēlūtum ša kīma qanê api hapu {x} šumšu ela damqa ardata damiqtum ur [ruhiš? ina ...] -šunu-ma išallal mūtu ul mamma mūtu immar ul mamma ša mūti immar pānīšu ul mamma ša mūti rigmašu [išemme]aggu mūtum hāip amēlūtim immatīma nippuša bīta immatīma niqannan qinnu immatīma ahhū izuz[zū]immatīma zērūtum ibašši ina māti immatīma nāru issâ mīla ublu kulīlu iqqeleppâ ina nāri pānūša inaalū pān šamši ultu ullānum-ma ul ibašši mimma šallu u mītum kī pī ahāmeš-ma ša mūti ul iirūalamšu

Humanity is like one whose fame is cut off like a reed in a reed bed.(Both) the handsome young man (and) the handsome young woman[fas]t ... [in] them [youth] are prey of death.

No one sees death,

no one sees the face of death,no one [hears] the voice / the cry of death.

Savage death, one who severs humanity.At any time, we build a house,at any time, we form a nest,at any time, brothers (divide) the legacy,at any time, in the country there is discard,at any time, the river swells and brings flood,the mayfly65I translate mayfly rather than dragonfly, following the interpretation of George 2012, 227–242.is transported by the current of the river his face looks at the face of the sun, and suddenly there is nothing left.

The snatched and dead they resemble one another!

No one can draw the form of death

(Gilg. X 301–317)

Ut-napišti focuses on the fragility of human existence (cutting cane, the mayfly watching the sun), the precariousness of man-made constructions, and the inscrutability of death itself. These concepts are reiterated in the following three lines:

[19] ištaknū mūta u balāa ša mūti ul uddû ūmīšu

(The gods) have established death and life,(but) they have not made public the day of death66George 2003, 698–699.

(Gilg. X 321–322)

Keeping in mind that Ut-napišti is immortal, we can imagine that he did not feel any taboo, having received life as a gift.67By contrast, please refer to the beginning of Tablet XI, where his unheroic nature is stressed.In the same vein, we have the story that the goddess-innkeeper Siduri68The episode of Siduri and Gilgameš has been discussed by T. Abusch in two of his articles: Abusch 1993a, 1–14 and 1993b, 3–17.tells Gilgameš:

[20] inūma ilū ibnû awīlūtam mūtam iškunū ana awīlūtim balāam ina qātīšunu iabtū69Gilg. (VA + BM III, 3–5).

When the gods created mankind, they assigned death to humanity, but they held life in their possession70According to the passage in the Gilgameš Epic (quoted above), it would seem that the gods,immortal by nature, cannot die. According to other sources, however, the gods cannot die a natural death but can be killed by their peers and “replaced” in one way or another. This is the case of Apsû,Tiamat and Qingu in Enuma Eliš and Aw-ila in Atrahasis. For more on this subject, see Bottéro 1980,27–29, and especially 45, n. 17. In addition, a perusal of the entries mūtu/mâtu of CAD shows that these terms are not used in relation to the gods.

(Gilgameš Old-Babylonian version)

It can be assumed that Siduri is immortal, and therefore for her, as for Ut-napišti,the taboo does not apply.

7.2. Favourably viewing death

If the above cases can be seen as exceptions to the taboo rule, then so too can the following:

[21] mūtu lemnu ašarrakšunūti

I will give them a terrible death

(Inscription of Ashurbanipal)71Borger 1996, 41, III.124.

In this case, death is not an unspeakable taboo – it is viewed favourably by Ashurbanipal because he wishes it on his enemies. It is easy to imagine that in situations like this, the taboo did not apply. Furthermore, the king claims a connection with the divine, and so follows the same pattern as the previous case (§ 7.1).

7.3. Suspension of the taboo in specific contexts

Death is explicitly referenced in Old-Assyrian documents:

[22] kīma mūt abīni PN išmeu

As soon as PN heard about our father’s death72CCT 2, 33: 15–16.

(Old-Assyrian letter)

[23] ina mūti ummini ahātini

At the (time of) death of our mother and our sister73CCT 1, 47b: 8–9.

(Old-Assyrian legal text)

The first extract is from a piece of correspondence between members of a family.It is possible to imagine that in the context of familial discussions about death,the taboo was not necessary, and could even have been non-existent. The second case is a legal framework, and it can thus be assumed that the taboo would have been suspended to ensure clarity.74In curse tablets from Greek and Roman times, there are “legal” expressions and do-ut-desformulae. For further information, see Faraone and Obbink 1991, and Ogden 2002. I thank Sven Günther for advising me on the these works, and for finding time to discuss some points with me.

7.4. Death in the past

Passages such as that in examples 22, 23, 24 which mention the death of a specific person are unlike the generic reference in the speech of Ut-napišti. Here,death can be mentioned without fear because it has already been satisfied by taking the prey in question.

[24] mūtum bēl nišī māriašu itbal

Death, the lord of the people, took his son75TCL 17 29: 17.

(Old-Babylonian Letter)

7.5. Foreign traditions

Texts from “peripheral” areas are subject to the caveat that they might bring with them traditions that were not properly Akkadian. For example, we can cite a literary text from Levant:

[25] ultu pī mūti īkimanni

Death, master of men, has carried off his son76Veenhof 2005, 74–77, no. 83.

(Literary text, c. 1300 BC)

Death may be viewed here in a positive way, similar to the idea of “favourably viewed” death (§ 7.2), because in this text death has been defeated (and therefore it is associated with a positive event).

8. Considerations against the Scurlock Hypothesis

While there are many cases in which the explicit mention of death can be explained by inspecting the context, specific examples of death and dying are so numerous that it becomes difficult to justify them all as exceptions to a generally held taboo. The number of counter-examples against the hypothesis put forward by Scurlock, as well as the variety of textual genres these examples are found in,are grounds for scepticism.

Moreover, it seems that the Scurlock Hypothesis is advanced as an explanation for the proliferation of circumlocutions for death in Akkadian texts. This is not a unique phenomenon: just think of modern languages, such as Chinese or English,77Concerning death in Chinese, we can mention: 不在了, 他去世了 (“He has passed away”); 他走了 (“He has left”); 他与世长辞了 (“He has said farewell to the mortal world”); 他去见阎王了 (“He has gone to see the King of Hell [Yama]” = He’s gone straight to hell); 他升天了 (“He has ascended to the heavens”); 他去见马克思了 (“He’s gone to see Marx”). In English: he’s passed away; he’s no longer with us; he’s gone to meet his maker; he’s in a better place now; the incident resulted in significant loss of life. For more, see: http://carlgene.com/blog/2014/06/a-comprehensive-guide-toeuphemisms-in-chinese-and-english (14.04.2017).where a wide range of semi-euphemistic circumlocutions are used without implying a taboo. It could be argued (in reference to modern languages)that this abundance of circumlocutions comes from more “superstitious” times,when a greater taboo surrounding death existed. If this argument were correct,it might suggest a similar development for the Akkadian world. However, it is impossible to be sure of a connection between linguistic circumlocutions and “superstitious” periods in time, so this is a strongly speculative argument.Consequently, the Scurlock Hypothesis seems unnecessary, although this does not mean that it is wrong.

9. One neutral consideration: the particular case of suicide

Mentions of suicide78On suicide, see Dietrich 2017.in the Akkadian world are extremely rare in all eras and across all types of text. If we assume that they include the expression “jump from the roof”79For example, uhtannaq ūlu ellīma ištu ūrim amaqqut, “(Otherwise) I will strangle myself or climb up and jump from the roof” (AbB 14, 149, 32–34). For additional examples, see Stol 2007, 13.then the occurrence is higher, but the numbers are still small. As a result, it is possible that this rarity reflects a taboo.80Worthington 2009–2011, 366.If this proves to be true, it would appear to support the Scurlock Hypothesis (§ 3). However, it also raises a problem: the taboo of suicide is almost always observed (bearing in mind that we have very few representations of the phenomenon), while that of death in general is not.

10. Facets of the hypothetical taboo

Considering § 7, which outlines cases in which we find ad hoc explanations for breaking the taboo concerning death, it follows that it is not permissible to speak of death: a) to literary characters who are not super-human; b) in relation to persons not “hated;” c) if the death is not yet fulfilled; d) in formal contexts; e) in the field of Akkadian. As a result, the number of “exceptions” is narrowed, and the Scurlock Hypothesis acquires plausibility. This does not necessarily mean that it is true: it can reasonably be argued that if there were a taboo against the death of any individual, and in any context, it would be prohibited to talk about it.81The examples collected in this paper can be considered as conceptual metaphors of death. On conceptual metaphor theory, see the well-known volume by Lakoff and Johnson 1980. For more about the metaphorical conceptualization of human mortality, see Marín Arrese 1996, Sexton 1997,and Bultnick 1998.

11. Conclusion

It is difficult to say whether there was a taboo surrounding the mention of death in the Akkadian world, and harder still to define the characteristics and limits of this taboo, assuming it did exist. The Scurlock Hypothesis provides an interesting perspective on taboo and euphemism; however, it is not the only aspect of the imagery referencing death that we might pursue.

Despite the reluctance to speak of death and dying, there were communicative situations in which the Akkadians could not avoid these realities. In these cases,there are two possible approaches: first, the use of circumlocutions, which allow the writer or speaker to avoid the words death and dying; second, the use of the words death and dying, in certain appropriate situational and social contexts. In light of the entire discussion, it is clear that death exerted a powerful influence on the imagination of Akkadian users, which in turn deeply influenced their linguistic behaviour.

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