ABSTRACTS

01 A Strategic Reflection on Carrying Forward the Fighting Spirit in China’s Diplomacy in the New Era,by Chen Jimin,Deputy Director and Professor at Division of World’s Trends of Thought under the Institute for International Strategic Studies,the Party School of the Central Committee of CPC (Chinese Academy of Governance);and Sun Xinping,Lecturer at Party School of Chengyang District’s Party Committee,Qingdao,Shandong.The fighting spirit is an organic unity of fighting consciousness,fighting will and fighting ability.From the theoretical,historical and realistic logics,it is of great significance for China’s diplomacy to carry forward the fighting spirit in the new era.From the basis of international morality and strategic capability,China’s diplomacy in the new era has more favorable conditions to carry forward the fighting spirit,though it faces multiple constraints.Therefore,China’s diplomacy should be both active and effective.So,it is necessary to make clear the basic requirements for carrying forward the fighting spirit in the new era,as well as make sure of the time characteristics of the fight,the purpose of the fight,the focus of the fight,and the relationship between development and security,in an effort to open up a new situation for China’s major-country diplomacy with its own characteristics in the new era.

18 The Indo-Pacific Strategy of the Biden Administration:A Strategic Analysis,by Zhang Weiwei,Deputy Director and Associate Research Fellow at the Department for International and Strategic Studies of CIIS.The Indo-Pacific strategy is an inevitable outcome of the eastward shift of the US government’s foreign strategic focus,which has acquired the basic characteristics as a grand strategy after more than a decade’s evolution.Only one year in office,the Biden administration has taken maintaining hegemony as its primary objective,making greater efforts to reinvent the Indo-Pacific strategy in an all-round way,including political,military,economic and other aspects.From the perspective of strategic formulation and implementation,the Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific strategy mainly focuses on superficial strategic goals,emphasizes political competition and military containment,and ignores economic integration and support,thereby featuring a strategy that puts competition over construction.The Biden administration has selectively joined forces with regional partners and brought its European allies into the Indo-Pacific,hence exerting a significant impact on the existing cooperation mechanisms in the region.At the same time,the Biden administration’s aggressive promotion of the US agendas has heightened doubts and concerns among regional countries,leading to a complex and instable regional environment for strategic operation.Thus,a strategy like this can hardly play a constructive role in the region.

41 Returning to “Gray Area”:A Policy Choice of America’s Strategic Competition with China,by Yang Guanghai,Professor and Doctoral Supervisor at Department of International Relations and Strategic Studies under International Studies College,National University of Defense Technology,and Guest Researcher of CPDS.“Gray area” is a kind of confrontational strategy or tactic below the threshold of war,which is also a form of conflict differentiating from war and peace.The U.S.is an active practitioner of this strategy.As early as in the Cold War,the U.S.applied this strategy extensively against the Soviet Union and China,among others.After the Cold War ended,this strategy fell into disfavor as the security environment changed.However,from around the beginning of the second decade in the new century,“gray area” re-entered the strategic horizon of the U.S.with the rise of great powers such as China and Russia and their roles in international affairs becoming increasingly active.After the US National Security Strategy issued in 2017 and the Summary of the National Defense Strategy of the United States of America issued in 2018 claimed that the U.S.has entered an era of strategic competition with China,Russia and other rivals,this strategy is favored again and has become the dominant choice for the U.S.to carry out strategic competition.America’s return to “gray area” is not like what it says as“beat somebody at his own game”,but has more tangible reasons and strategic considerations.As a result,it is of great academic and practical significance to strengthen research on this issue.

56 Policy Comparison between China and ASEAN in Dealing with the US Indo-Pacific Strategy and Its Enlightenment,by Luo Shengrong,Senior Fellow and Doctoral Supervisor at Institute of International Relations,Yunnan University;and Zhang Xin,Assistant Research Fellow at Institute of International Relations,Yunnan University.Although the US Indo-Pacific strategy has different role positioning for China and ASEAN,policy responses of China and ASEAN to this strategy are both similar and different.Their policy similarities in responding to this strategy are reflected as maintaining ASEAN’s centrality,protecting regional peace and stability,promoting bilateral economic and trade cooperation,and upholding ASEAN’s norms,while their differences are reflected in public statements,balance orientation,disputes over the South China Sea,and pressure response.China needs to work with ASEAN to focus on building the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century and,in particular,accelerate the forging of a China-ASEAN community with a shared future,while supporting ASEAN’s centrality in regional affairs,expanding the space for bilateral economic and trade cooperation by taking the RECP as an opportunity,and keeping an eye on ASEAN’s involvement in the Indo-Pacific strategy of the United States.

72 The Biden Administration’s Policy towards Southeast Asia:Development Trends and Assessment,by Xing Ruili,Assistant Professor at School of Marxism,Nanjing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics,and Senior Fellow at Center for International Strategic and Security Studies of Jiangsu Universities.Since Joe Biden came into office,Southeast Asia has once again returned to America’s traditional strategic horizon.To underscore its emphasis on Southeast Asia,the Biden administration has gradually increased its commitment to the region,showing the basic outline of America’s policy adjustment towards Southeast Asia.The Biden administration has enhanced political contact with Southeast Asian countries,and activated and strengthened a network of allies and partners;sought to deepen non-traditional security cooperation with Southeast Asian countries with vaccine assistance as a breakthrough point;focused on shoring up economic weaknesses to reshape the regional order in its favor;and continued to intensify military provocation in the South China Sea and instigate Southeast Asian countries into confrontation against China.Although the Biden administration’s initiatives have achieved initial results in Southeast Asia,there are still many restrictions on how they can be further implemented.There are political restraints at home and the U.S.has limited resources to invest;there is tension between America’s Southeast Asia policy and its strategy towards China;and Southeast Asian countries are both dependent on and fearful of the United States.All these and some other factors will restrict the implementation and effectiveness of the Biden administration’s Southeast Asia policy.However,as the Biden administration’s Southeast Asia policy becomes increasingly mature and complete,it will inevitably complicate the regional security situation,to which China must pay close attention and respond prudently.

95 An Assessment of Current Political Developments and Prospects in Myanmar,by Dr.Song Qingrun,Associate Professor at School of Asian Studies and Senior Fellow at Center for Southeast Asian Studies,Beijing Foreign Studies University;and Hao Xueni,Graduate Student at School of Asian Studies,Beijing Foreign Studies University.Since the military returned to power on February 1,2021,democratic transition in Myanmar has experienced twists and turns,and it’s domestic and foreign affairs have fallen into difficulties.Coupled with the COVID-19 outbreak,Myanmar is in the most difficult period in nearly a decade.At the political and social level,it is difficult for parties involved to reach a reconciliation,and the political game between the military and the oppositions,including the NLD,as well as their respective supporters has turned from peaceful to violent;and the influence of Internet on political development is outstanding,and political game is combined both online and offline.At the economic level,the economy has suffered a severe downturn and people’s livelihood has been adversely affected.At the diplomatic level,Myanmar is isolated,as its National Governing Council regressed with ASEAN and deteriorated with the U.S.and other Western countries in terms of relations.Over the past year or so,Myanmar’s National Governing Council has made many efforts to stabilize the political situation,stop the economic downturn,break diplomatic deadlock,as well as control and prevent the COVID-19 pandemic.The situation in Myanmar will remain complex and volatile in the future.With ASEAN and the UN intensifying their mediation and pressure,Myanmar is expected to make some progress in domestic political reconciliation,but it still faces many challenges and conflicts.Although the general direction of democratic transition in Myanmar seems difficult to reverse,it is worth noting whether or not Myanmar can hold a smooth general election,the economy can stabilize and rebound,and the diplomatic dilemma can be improved before the end of 2023.China should pay close attention to the situation in Myanmar,assess it in a timely manner,and respond to it appropriately.

117 The Indian Factor in the QUAD Mechanism and Its Prospect,by Dr.Song Haiyang,Lecturer at School of Marxism,Guangdong Pharmaceutical University.Since the QUAD mechanism was re-initiated and promoted again in 2017,there has been much attention on India’s role in it.On the one hand,India emphasizes “China threat” and wants to join force with the U.S.,Japan and Australia to counterbalance China’s influence.On the other hand,India takes a cautious stance on the formation of the new QUAD mechanism,which is different from the other three countries.India’s cautious stance is largely driven by fears that a full commitment to the alliance would undermine its security,economic and strategic interests.On the whole,the goal of India’s foreign policy is to contain China’s rising influence and create a strategic environment conducive to its own development in the Indo-Pacific.In the days to come,India’s stance will also have a lot of influence on the progress of this mechanism.Therefore,China should remain clear-headed about the Indian factor in the QUAD mechanism and take necessary countermeasures to eliminate or reduce adversary impacts on China.